Ancient Zodiacs, Star Names, and Constellations: Essays and Annotated Bibliographies
The Recovery Of Babylonian Astronomy by Gary D. Thompson
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The Recovery of Babylonian Astronomy
Strassmaier, Epping, Kugler, and Schaumberger: A History and Legacy of Their Co-operative Pioneering Effort to Recover Babylonian Astronomy
by Gary D. Thompson
(6) Joseph Hontheim, and Franz Kugler; Franz Kugler and Panbabylonism
Part 10: Joseph Hontheim
Part 1: Joseph Hontheim
Joseph Hontheim SJ. This appears to be the only known photograph of him.
The initial vacuum left by Epping's death
The astronomical identification and explanation of the cuneiform inscriptions in the British Museum by Epping and Strassmaier, one of the greatest triumphs Assyriology can lay claim to, had come to a sudden standstill with the premature death of Epping. After Epping's death in 1894, his work was eventually continued by Father Franz Kugler S.J. After the death of Joseph Epping in 1894, Kugler expressed his interest in taking over and continuing Epping's work. However, this task was originally assigned to Joseph Hontheim S.J. It is not clear why Joseph Hontheim was the first choice for the continuation of Epping's work. Likely it was connected with Hontheim's knowledge of mathematics and the assistance he had given Epping in the decipherment of mathematical astronomy tablets.
Detailed information about Hontheim's life and work is difficult to find. Joseph Hontheim was a Priest, Jesuit, and Philosophy and Theology Professor at the Jesuit college at Valkenburg (South Holland). Born (18.07.1858) in Olewig near Trier, he died (02.02(01?).1929) Valkenburg (Netherlands). He entered the Jesuit order on 28 April 1882. After concluding studies at the Friedrich-Wilhelm Gymnasium in Trier, Hontheim attended University of Bonn, and then studied theology at University of Innsbruck. On 28 April, 1882, after completing his theological studies, he entered into the Society of Jesus, at Exaeten (Netherlands). Taking the path of Jesuit scholasticates he studied at Blyenbeck, Holland, and Ditton Hall, England. His 3-year philosophy studies are stated to be done at Blijenbeek, 1884-1887. However, the Philosophate changed to Exaeten in 1886 and likely he completed his philosophy studies at Exaeten. In 1889 he went to Exaeten as a writer (Scriptor). In 1894, after completing of his Tertiate (at Portico House (= Portico-Chapel near Prescot (a market-town), Lancashire), though sometimes mistakenly stated at Exaeten) that year (the concluding phase of his Jesuit training), he was appointed to the position of Professor of Philosophy at the newly established Ignatius College Valkenburg. He then taught (with title of Professor) Systematic Theology from 1895 to 1909 (sometimes he is stated to be Professor of Dogmatic Theology at St. Ignatius College), and from 1909 to 1912 Old Testament Exegesis. (According to one source, at Valkenburg, Hontheim was appointed Professor of Old Testament, and then appointed to the chair vacated by the late Father Knabenbauer (spiritual theology?). However, the titles do not seem reliable.) From 1912-1924 he worked as a scientific writer. Again from 1924 to 1928 he was Professor of Philosophy at Ignatius College in Valkenburg.
Hontheim was also a capable mathematician. Hontheim applied mathematics to logic in his work, Der logische Algoritmus (1895).
Part 2: Hontheim's Cuneiform Investigations
Hontheim's assistance to Epping
Joseph Hontheim was at Exaeten from 1889 to 1893, so was in close contact with Joseph Epping there.
Circa 1890 Epping was receiving decipherment assistance from Joseph Hontheim (informally) and Augustus Lorenz (informally) acting independently. (It is indicated though, that apparently Hontheim also assisted Epping by checking the lunar theory calculations made by Lorenz.) Augustus Lorenz is briefly discussed by Epping (in a footnote) in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 39, Heft 3, 1890, Pages 225 and 237. The assistance given by Hontheim and Lorenz resulted in: Epping, Joseph. (1890). "Die babylonische Berechnung des Neumondes." [= "The Babylonian Calculation of the New Moon."] (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 39, Heft 3, September, Pages 225-240). [Note: Supplementing studies in Astronomisches aus Babylon.] On page 237 of Epping's, "Die babylonische Berechnung des Neumondes." reference is briefly made to Hontheim's contribution. At that time Augustus Lorenz was a Parish Administrator (Pfarradministrator), Rector at a branch church in Groß-Leubusch (= the district of Greater Laubusch?). He sent detailed and insightful comments to Epping on his book Astronomisches aus Babylon, and also an article (about the ephemerides table for the moon). Lorenz helped provide a method for understanding table columns C1 and C2 (as apparently did Hontheim) Note: Apparently Hontheim also assisted Epping by checking the lunar theory calculations made by Lorenz. I have yet to establish an approximate date for this. (Lorenz is from the Latin personal name Laurentius.) After studying theology for 2-years at Ditton Hall (1887-1889) Hontheim went to Exaeten in 1889 as a writer. (Had previously studied theology at the University of Innsbruck. He entered the Jesuit Order after completing his theological studies there.) From 1899 Hontheim was at Exaeten until 1894. In 1894 he was at Portico House (= Portico-Chapel near Prescot (a market-town), Lancashire); in 1897 he was at Valkenburg. Between 1894 and 1898 he attempted to carry on Epping's studies but responsibility for this was given to Kugler when he returned to Valkenburg in 1897/1898.
Both Kugler DBM (1900) and Schaumberger Ergan. 3 (1935, Page 375) mention "Aug. Lorenz" but only Kugler adds some new information. Kugler (DBM, Page 11): Some clues given by Epping in his AaB (1889) were sufficient to attract suggestions from August Lorenz. These initial suggestions later led to Lorenz participating with Epping in progressing understanding/deciphering a number of columns of information. The outcome was the correct interpretation of a number of of columns. Their joint work resulted in the mean lunar velocity and the mean synodic lunar and anomalistic month of the Chaldæans being found.
Note: See the biographical entry for August Lorenz in: Forschungen und Quellen zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte Ostdeutschlands, Volume 6, 1969, Page 500 (Böhlau Verlag, Institut für Ostdeutsche Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte, Bonn). It appears to be the 'correct' August/us Lorenz. He was born 18 December 1850 in Grottkau (Grodków) (a small town that was part of Germany before WWII, and is now part of Poland); and his ordination as a priest was on 16 April 1876 in Prag (Bayern, Germany). It is indicated that he lived until circa 1920 at least. Augustus Lorenz is also briefly mentioned in issues of the monthly clerical newspaper Schlesisches Pastoralblatt.
Joseph Hontheim the initial successor to Epping
After the death of Joseph Epping the Society of Jesus considered it as their duty of honour to ensure the continuation of the work begun by him. Originally it was Joseph Hontheim (located at Valkenburg) who, for several years, took up Epping's work after Epping's death (i.e., was commissioned (assigned) to do such by the Society of Jesus). This initial appointment to continue Epping's work was likely connected with Hontheim's involvement in joint work with Epping (and Lorenz) circa 1890. Strassmaier supported Hontheim in the same manner he had supported Epping, providing texts, and commentary, and making collations.
There are a few sources from the time period that would seem to give accurate details/comments regarding the dates that Hontheim took up Epping's studies and then was replaced by Kugler. The first is the monograph, Astronomie, Himmelsschau und Astrallehre bei den Babyloniern by Carl Bezold (1911), pages 4-5 and 28. Bezold states that between 1894 and 1898, Hontheim took up/continued Epping's researches. Bezold also states that Hontheim had a growing number of other commitments that prevented him from proceeding effectively after the first year or two. Kugler also makes this point, but without dates, in his Preliminary Remarks (dated 1899) to DBM. The second is the book of collected essays, Scritti sulla storia della astronomia antica by Giovanni Schiaparelli (Volume 1, 1925), pages 48-50. In his Preliminary Remarks (dated 1899) to DBM, Kugler states that he resumed Epping's researches "about two years ago." Schiaparelli states that in 1897 the Jesuit order assigned Kugler to continue Epping's studies. According to Bezold this is what Kugler wanted to do. Interestingly, Schiaparelli does not mention Hontheim. Both publications by Bezold and Schiaparelli contain other general details that appear to be based on 'first-hand' knowledge.
Hontheim took up Epping's researches in 1894 (the year of Epping's death) and sporadically continued with them until 1898. However, between the years 1894 and 1898 little progress was made. Basically, Hontheim was constantly being interrupted by other work demands. Kugler did acknowledge the preliminary studies made by Hontheim and the progress that had been made. Hontheim soon became completely absorbed by other studies. (However, it would appear that his studies of Babylonian astronomy was not undertaken as an exclusive focus but was one aspect of his total work load. Apparently Hontheim was more interested in theological matters.) It would appear that Hontheim had a growing number of other commitments that prevented him from proceeding effectively after the first year or two. After the first year or two Hontheim had effectively ceased work on cuneiform astronomy. It appears that the results of Hontheim's brief researches were not published by him. If they were published the source has not been identified. The results of Hontheim's studies remain unknown, excepting he appears to have made further progress with Babylonian lunar theory. The date of 1894 for Hontheim taking up Epping's researches is interesting. The Jesuit Catalogus for 1894 lists Hontheim as a Tertiate at Portico (Portico-Chapel near Prescot, Lancashire). It is unlikely that Hontheim would have began undertaking his cuneiform investigations until his appointment to Valkenburg in 1895. In 1895, Hontheim was a lecturer in philosophy at Valkenburg klooster. For the years 1896, 1897, and 1898, Hontheim was a lecturer in theology at Valkenburg klooster. In his Die Babylonische Mondrechnung, Kugler certainly acknowledges some benefit from Hontheim's cuneiform studies. Hontheim was competent with cuneiform script. Note: The term lecturer in the Jesuit Catalogus = the title, professor.
"Aber dem hiermit beauftragten Pater Jos. Hontheim, der sich nach Pater Kuglers Mitteilung bereits durch die dazu notwendigen Vorstudien auf diese Aufgabe vorbereitet hatte, fielen neue Berufsgeschäfte zu, die ihn zwangen, von der in Angriff genommenen Arbeit wieder abzulassen." (Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, Volume 164, Number 1, 1902, Page 363 of a book review by Peter Jensen of Kugler's DBM.) Note: The information is likely mostly taken from Kugler's DBM.) Building on the previous sentence: Joseph Hontheim was assigned the task (by the Order superior?) of continuing the pioneering studies of Epping. Kugler's communication (report) regarding the necessary preliminary studies required for the task had been assistive to Hontheim. (This indicates an early involvement by Kugler.) It had also made the point regarding the need to have suitable available time. After some initial successful work deciphering astronomical cuneiform tablets new professional responsibilities given to Joseph Hontheim made it difficult for him to continue with these studies. After explaining his difficulties (to the Order superior?), Hontheim was discharged from his studies of cuneiform material. Kugler was then appointed (by the Order superior?) the task of continuing Epping's pioneer studies. It is reasonable to speculate that from circa 1895 to early 1897, Kugler was involved in preparatory work for undertaking the continuation of Epping's investigations. Jensen indicates that Kugler wanted to step into the gap being left by Hontheim (from the interruptions created by other demands being placed upon him).
Hontheim's interest in ancient astronomy and chronology continued after he had relinquished the continuation of Epping's cuneiform studies to Kugler. From 1907 (at least) to 1919 he published a number of papers on both subjects.
Excursus: How much time Kugler spent in studying and writing is unknown. However, it seems that his teaching duties were been minimised in order to ensure he had suitable time in which to pursue his investigations. In, Der Jesuitenorden II. Band by Graf Paul von Hoensbroech (1927) the author writes (Page 62) that Kugler immersed himself in his studies on Babylonian star knowledge and star worship. ("In eine Jahrtausende hinter uns liegende Vergangenheit versenkt sich Pater F. X. Kugler, der in seinen Arbeiten über Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babylonien naturwissenschaftliche und orientalische Kenntnisse vereint.")
In 1896 at Valkenburg klooster, astronomy was taught for 2 hours per week, and higher mathematics was taught for 1 hour per week (each Saturday evening). Kugler apparently enjoyed prolonged freedom from occupations other than the minimum teaching load.
Higher mathematics is customarily considered as embracing all mathematical subjects of more advanced content beyond ordinary arithmetic, geometry, algebra, trigonometry, and beginning calculus. It is likely that spherical trigonometry, calculus, linear algebra comprised core topics.
Some of Hontheim's contributions to Babylonian studies
It would be interesting to
know some details of the results of Hontheim's brief researches with
astronomical cuneiform tablets. This is now unlikely to occur. However,
nobody yet seems to have accessed Hontheim's
Hontheim has pointed out that in
the sexagesimal system of Babylonia
Part 3: Miscellaneous
Movements of Hontheim
Using accessible copies of Catalogus Sociorum Et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu: Hontheim was at Exaeten at least in 1892. (He was perhaps there from 1885 and spent nearly a decade at Exaeten with Epping.) In 1894 Hontheim was at Portico in England ("Domus Tertiae Probationis Porticensis" = Third probation at Portico House). At this time Kugler was at Ditton-Hall completing his theological studies. In 1897 Hontheim was at Valkenburg. At this time Kugler was not. Kugler was "In Variis Stationibus Degentes" = Living in various stations. It is difficult to believe that while both were in England, Kugler and Hontheim would not have met and discussed renewing Epping's studies. Hontheim had spent years with Epping at Exaeten. Ditton-Hall and Portico are located very close to each other. It is also difficult to believe that Kugler would not have met with Strassmaier; either at Ditton-Hall or in London. Kugler was at Ditton-Hall 1890-1894 studying theology.
Hontheim's other interests
Hontheim corresponded with George Cantor to formulate the mental concept of the infinite, and for the publication Institutiones theodicaeae: sive theologiae naturalis secundum principia S. Thomae Aquinatis (1893). He was known to be associated with a group of Jesuits of Maria-Laach Abbey whose contributions to the neo-Thomism school seeking to revive the teachings of Thomas Aquinas, were published, under the title Philosophiae Lacensis. In 1895 Hontheim published a work entitled Der logisch Algorithmus (The Algorithic Logic), as his contribution to a group working to revive Aeterni Partis.
Georg Cantor (1845-1918) was a German mathematician who was the inventor of set theory, which has become a fundamental theory in mathematics. He also introduced the mathematically meaningful concept of transfinite numbers. The problem of infinity was pondered by Georg Cantor. What he concluded started him down a road to theology.
Hontheim's other historical studies
Hontheim remained interested in ancient chronology and cooperated with S. Gutesmann (sometimes incorrectly spelled Gutesman) in investigating and publishing on chronological issues in Aramaic papyri.
Hontheim's theological beliefs
According to Hontheim (Das Buch Job, 1904, Pages 21-22), the prophet Elihu in the Book of Job was created solely for the purpose of acting as God's messenger, and Elihu's sudden appearance and disappearance are intended to indicate the supernatural nature of his intervention.
Hontheim was the author of the 1910 article "Hell" published in the Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume 7. Writing in the 1910 Catholic Encyclopedia, Joseph Hontheim stated that "theologians generally accept the opinion that hell is really within the earth. The Church has decided nothing on this subject; hence we may say hell is a definite place; but where it is, we do not know."
Joseph Hontheim's article on hell was an excellent example of Catholic systematic theology. He answered all possible logical questions: Because he demands morality, God must punish immorality. Since this justice does not happen in this life, then God must punish after death. Since God can't be controlled by human affairs, this punishment must be eternal, otherwise mere human action would dictate the length of sentence to God. Finally, if there was no threat of divine punishment, there would be no incentive to live well and morally. It expresses the view that people are flawed and incapable of aspiring to a good life without some threat of punishment.
Hontheim also wrote the article "Heaven" published in the Catholic Encyclopedia.
Entropic Creation: Religious Contexts of Thermodynamics and Cosmology by Helge Kragy (2008, Page 79).
Hontheim's publications related to astronomy
The only astronomical publications by Hontheim are his chronological studies on the life of Jesus Christ.
Hontheim, Joseph. (1906). "Das Todesjahr Christi und die Danielsche Wochenprophetie." (Der Katholik, Band 86, Pages 12-36, 96-108, & 254-281).
Hontheim, Joseph. (1907). "Das Datum der Geburt Christi." (Der Katholik, Band 87, Jahrg., 1.-2. Heft, Pages 15-44, & 113-136).
Hontheim, Joseph. (1908). "Die Konjunktion des Jupiter und Saturn im Jahre 7 v.Chr." (Der Katholik, Band 88, Pages 187-195). (Based on the calculations of the Jesuit astronomer Michael A. Esch, Hontheim stated Jupiter and Saturn had been in conjunction 3 times in 7 BCE.)
In these publications he occasionally refers to the work Epping and Kugler, and the calculations of his colleague Michael Esch but there is no mention of earlier involvement with astronomical cuneiform texts.
Hontheim, Joseph. (1895). Der logische Algorithmus in seinem wesen.
Part 4: Kugler Succeeds Hontheim
Note: Regarding biographical details of Franz Kugler. Some commonly cited details are not correct. This is due to absence of research and 'lazy' borrowing. Some material (i.e., correct details) was extremely difficult to obtain.
Comments. Kugler was a cuneiform researcher. Kugler's work in Assyriology was recognized as a pioneering achievement, but Kugler's findings are now partially outdated. The premise he advocated that a modern understanding of science was already present in the Babylonian-Assyrian texts was later criticized. Kugler achieved national importance in the Babel-Bible dispute . Through his critical statements on panbabylonism, Kugler contributed to the end of this extremely controversial discussion against Friedrich Delitzsch and Hugo Winckler. The tedious, time-consuming astronomical calculations undertaken by Kugler undermined the claims of astral mythology proposed by the Panbabylonists. As the successor to Joseph Epping and Johann Nepomuk Strassmaier (1846–1920), Kugler continued their theories.
Franz Kugler succeeds Hontheim
Kugler became the successor to Joseph Epping and Johann Strassmaier and continued their studies. Kugler had at first wanted a career as a preacher. After this was not possible - due to problems with his weak vocal cords - he apparently turned his interest to teaching and writing in the field of ancient Near Eastern history. At Exaten, he was made directly aware by Epping (but not by Strassmaier) of the still unresolved questions of Babylonian cultural history and astronomy. The results of the studies by Epping and Strassmaier went far beyond those of Sayce and Oppert. Beginning in 1897 Kugler focused on Babylonian culture and astronomy, and also taught higher mathematics at Ignatius College in Valkenburg. It was remarked he studied astronomical as well as philological (and literary i.e., the Gilgamesh epic) issues with eagerness. (Kugler chose circa 3600 BCE as the approximate date for the composition of the legend of Gilgamesh.) With his later chronological studies he used Chaldean lunar information. Epping's investigations were continued and considerably extended by the dedicated efforts of Kugler, who made considerable advances upon Epping's discoveries. Following DBM (1900), Kugler's 2-Volume SSB (issued in supplements, 1907-1924) dealt with numerous themes on Babylonian astral sciences. The volumes are still considered amongst the fundamental works in this field. Kugler's studies of Babylonian planetary theories (SSB, 1907) were superseded by Astronomical Cuneiform Texts [ACT] by Otto Neugebauer (1955).
The statement that after the death of Epping, Kugler decided to take over his work and to continue is not quite correct. According to the Preface of Kugler's DBM (1900) he was invited to by some (unnamed) friends of Epping (including Johann Strassmaier and Alexander Baumgartner?) to continue his work. Two years before the publication of DBM the efforts of Epping's friends finally succeeded in having Kugler resume Epping's researches on Babylonian lunar theory. Kugler found it no easy task. He had to understand the astronomical meaning of a whole series of technical mathematical and astronomical terms. Then Kugler had to understand the course of arithmetic operations which were then unknown to him. Kugler spared no effort. The result was, amongst other things, the discovery of the 2 major lunar calculation systems. (Mention of: Kugler, Franz Xaver, S. J., Die Babylonische Mondrechnung; appears in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Volume 58, 1900; see end attachment: Mitteilungen der Herderschen Verllagshandlung zu Freiburg im Breisgau, Number 9, Oktober 1899 - April 1900, Erste Abteilung, Pages 7-8. Details taken from: Der Stein der Weisen [The Philosopher's Stone]. Wien 1900. Number 16.) (A short book review of Kugler's DBM appeared in Revue des Questions Historiques, New Series, Volume 24, 1990, Page 630? See section: Bulletin Bibliographique. When looked at in 2000 (and not seen since) I got the sense that on Epping's death Strassmaier may have "approached" Kugler to continue the work on understanding cuneiform astronomy. However, I was advised that it says that Kugler was asked after Epping's untimely death to continue his work. It does not say who approached him. It probably would have been Strassmaier. Likely perhaps because of an Epping-Kugler connection when Kugler was doing his philosophate at Exaeten, 1888-1890.) The Jesuit Order made the decision allowing Kugler to continue Epping's work. Kugler's interest in Babylonian astronomy originated at Exaeten circa 1888. It was not until circa 1898 that Kugler began his studies of Babylonian astronomy. After many delays Franz Kugler was assigned to succeed Hontheim. In 1897 the Jesuit Order commissioned (assigned) Kugler to continue Epping's studies. Due to the increasing number of other commitments that prevented Hontheim from proceeding effectively with cuneiform studies the Jesuit Order, in 1897, then assigned Kugler to take over from Hontheim and continue Epping's studies. This is exactly what Kugler had wanted and had requested. Kugler then took over Epping's work from Hontheim and obtained the copies of Strassmaier's drawings that Strassmaier had made for Epping and sent to such. These likely came through Hontheim. It is indicated that the copies of astronomical texts inherited by Hontheim from Epping's estate were passed to Kugler's possession. (Basically, Epping's estate was provided to Kugler.) It is also indicated that Strassmaier directly sent copies of mathematical astronomical texts to Kugler. (Strassmaier and Kugler certainly did communicate directly.)
It is not clear why the continuation of Epping's studies was given to Hontheim and how this was eventually passed to Kugler. Explanatory details are given in, Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 164. Jahrgang, Erster Band (Volume 164, Number 1), 1902, Page 363-379 (a book review by Peter Jensen of Kugler's DBM); and also in, Revue des questions scientifiques, Volumes 49-50, 1901, Pages 644-647?/649?/651? This is a book review of Kugler's DBM by the Belgium-born mathematician Henri Bosmans S.J. (1852-1928) who was also interested in selenography. (The book review may be at least 6 pages long.). Perhaps also, Kardinalität und Kardinäle by Christian Tapp (2005, Pages 389-398 (a discussion of Hontheim)). I have yet to suitably access the latter of these sources. However, as outline the following is indicated: At the death of Epping there were still astronomical cuneiform tablets, copied by Strassmaier in the British Museum, that had not been studied. It was anticipated that there were many years of work required to understand the contents of these tablets. Epping was succeeded by Hontheim. With Epping's death Hontheim was directed (commissioned) to continue the study of astronomical cuneiform texts. The choice of Hontheim for this task is not explicitly explained in any material I have seen. However, circa 1890 Epping was receiving decipherment assistance from Joseph Hontheim (informally). Hontheim undertook necessary preliminary studies (or had already undertaken these) and his skills extended to cuneiform and astronomy. His involvement/participation into the study of Babylonian astronomy (formally) took place between the years 1894 and 1898. It appears to have been largely focused on Babylonian lunar theory. Hontheim continued his studies into Babylonian astronomy until his increasing work load created difficulties for him being able to continue. He was not the master of his time allocated for tasks and his time was quickly taken up with other studies. To the chagrin of interested scholars, the work begun so masterfully by Epping and Strassmaier remained at a standstill. Finally, after numerous delays, Kugler took over the task of continuing the studies into Babylonian astronomy from Hontheim. The date of Kugler's active involvement was likely 1897. Several (2?) years after succeeding Hontheim, Kugler overcame his own difficulties in dealing with the material and published DBM. In his book DBM, Kugler summarized and continued Epping's work. In DBM Kugler acknowledges that, at the time of his involvement, Hontheim, with assistance from Lorenz, working with several of Strassmaier's copies of tablets from the British Museum, had already completed important preliminary studies on Babylonian lunar theory. As example: the understanding of Columns H and J (= IX and X), of a System B lunar tablet by Kidinnu, resulted from the combined work of Joseph Epping, Joseph Hontheim and Augustus Lorenz. Kugler's studies on Babylonian lunar theory absorbed these contributions. Summary of a slightly different version: With the death of Epping, Hontheim was appointed to continue Epping’s studies and after some success progressed ever more slowly due to his time being absorbed by other studies. Finally, after many delays, Kugler succeeded in being commissioned (assigned) to take over the continuation of Epping's pioneering studies from Hontheim, whose studies had finally stalled. It appears Honthein had some knowledge of cuneiform philology, but may have undertaken additional studies. Kugler had to spend time undertaking the preliminary studies necessary for him to undertake this work.
One source states that in 1897 the Order superior (= Provincial Superior Paul Hoffaus (Upper German Provincial)?/Superior General of the Jesuits Luis Martin?) entrusted Kugler to take charge of Strassmaier's material and continue Epping's work.
Extracted from Kugler's "Vorbemerkungen" (Preliminary remarks) in DBM (1900): Shortly after Eppings death Joseph Hontheim was instructed to continue the study of Babylonian astronomy. Because of his prior assistance to Epping, and his knowledge of cuneiform, Hontheim was judged the most suitable person to continue Epping's studies. [Obviously, it was not until 1895, when Hontheim was at Valkenburg Klooster, that he was able to start his astronomical studies.] However, this was in addition to his usual teaching requirements. In the time he found to pursue the study of Babylonian astronomy he did make some progress. He also first spent time to undertake the necessary studies of (positional) astronomy and cuneiform languages (Assyrian, perhaps Akkadian). Hontheim then made a survey of the astronomical material (Strassmaier's drawings) that he would be dealing with, and then proceeded to examine in detail the different types. He made some new progress and discoveries with late astronomical material that Epping had not dealt with. However, once he had become familiar with the task, his increasing workload, and lack of time, caused him to cease further studies with the astronomical material. [This likely occurred sometime in late 1896.] It led to several years of delay. It was not until the end of 1897 that it became possible to arrange for the resumption of investigations into Babylonian mathematical astronomy. This [apparently] was due to the requests of colleagues of Epping at Exaeten. In 1897/1898, Kugler took over the continuation of Epping's studies from Hontheim. Kugler is not listed as lecturing in 1898. He is listed as being at Valkenburg College as "Script., Oper."
It is clear that all of the drawings that were received by Kugler had originally been prepared by Strassmaier (with transliterations and annotations) for Epping. Kugler found the annotations to be mostly irrelevant or misleading. Strassmaier did not later prepare any new drawings for specifically for Kugler. Kugler simply received copies of the drawings Strassmaier had sent to Epping (and likely those that Strassmaier had prepared up to 1897 and still retained i.e., had not sent to Epping.
Transition of cuneiform studies from Hontheim to Kugler
|Year||Joseph Hontheim||Franz Kugler|
|1894||Hontheim was at Portico House/Chapel near Prescot in England completing his Tertiate. Hontheim appointed to continue Epping's researches (the same year of Epping's death).||Kugler was at Ditton-Hall completing the 4th year of his theological studies.|
|1895||Professor of Systematic Theology at Valkenburg klooster.||Lecturer in mathematics (and astronomy) at Valkenburg klooster.|
|1896||Professor of Systematic Theology at Valkenburg klooster.||Tertiate at Wijnandsrade, Limburg Province, south Holland.|
|1897||Professor of Systematic Theology at Valkenburg klooster.||Unknown. "In Variis Stationibus Degentes" = Living in various stations. Kugler assigned to take over from Hontheim and continue Epping's studies. Likely involved with the necessary preliminary studies required for the task.|
|1898||Professor of Systematic Theology at Valkenburg klooster. Relinquishes his appointment to study astronomical cuneiform tablets.||Listed as Script., Oper. [Book writer] at Valkenburg klooster. (Not yet listed as lecturer in mathematics and/or astronomy.) Begins study of astronomical cuneiform tablets - replacing Hontheim.|
Beginning 1898, Kugler continued the work of Epping on Babylonian texts having astronomical content (and also religious content); publishing some preliminary results of his studies in professional journals. The 2 articles published prior to his book, Die babylonischen Mondrechnung (1900) were: "Zur Erklärung der babylonischen Mondtafeln. I. Mond- und Sonnenfinsternisse." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 15, Issue 1, 1900, Pages 178–209); and "Astronomische Masse der Chaldäer." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 15, Issue 1, 1900, Pages 383–392).
Transition of Epping's cuneiform studies to Hontheim and then to Kugler
|Death of Epping. Not indicated that Hontheim was immediately appointed to continue Epping's studies.|
|Hontheim appointed to continue Epping's studies.|
|1896||Hontheim progressing very slowly due to other workload. Hontheim not able to work 'full-time' on cuneiform material. Kugler involved in self-study at least regarding Akkadian. (And astronomy and mathematics? )|
|1897||Support given by Epping's friends for Kugler to take over Epping's investigations. Kugler takes charge of Strassmaier/Epping material; takes over from Hontheim.|
|1898||Hontheim relinquishes his appointment to continue Epping's studies. Kugler begins work on what will become DBM. Kugler able to work 'full-time' on studies leading to DBM.|
|1899||Kugler completes work on DBM. Book is ready for publication at end of 1899.|
|1900||Publication date of DBM.|
Part 11: Franz Kugler
Part 5: Background, Genealogy
Rare "best existing portrait" (courtesy Dr Paul Oberholzer) to be posted shortly. Unseen for 90 years.
Though obviously taken later in his life it would appear that this is the best existing portrait of Franz (= Francis) Kugler. This version of an original portrait photograph (taken of him against the outside of a building - undoubtedly at Valkenburg klooster) is slightly modified from the original in Michael Esch's obituary of Kugler in that it blanks out the brick wall that Kugler standing?/sitting? in front of when it was taken. (It may date to the mid-1920s - shortly before his final departure from Ignatiuskolleg, Valkenburg, in 1927.) Kugler established the fundamental basis of our knowledge of Babylonian astronomy. His efforts - especially his early work on Babylonian lunar theory (1900) and planetary theory (1907) - opened the way to understanding Babylonian astronomy. It was remarked he showed great sagacity in deciphering many lunar and planetary tables. His masterwork, published in 7 supplementary parts, was Star Science and Star Beliefs in Babylon (1924-1935). Kugler applied the highest scientific standards. In his time, Franz Kugler was the preeminent authority on Babylonian astronomy and is rightly considered the founding father of studies about Babylonian astronomy. During his very impressive and extremely productive career Kugler published most of his results in the form of books (and booklets); in addition he published some 20 articles mostly in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, and Revue d'Assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale. Kugler did not confine his Cuneiform studies writing to the Mathematical Babylonian astronomy. The results of his early researches were useful across a wide field. As examples: Babel-Bibel-Streit and Panbabylonism. Kugler, one of the founders of Babylonian mathematical astronomy, was a formidable opponent of Delitzsch's Babel-Bibel claims. Early in his career Kugler opposed the Berlin Assyriologist Delitzsch, who had suggested that the Biblical account of the Creation and other events in Genesis had been taken over from Assyrian mythology. To rebut the claims of Delitzsch, Kugler published 2 booklets drawing on his growing command of Assyriology: Babylon und Christentum I: Die Angriffe Delitzschs auf das Alte Testament [Babylon and Christianity I: The Attacks of Delitzsch on the Old Testament], 1903 and Die Gotter Babyloniens und das Neue Testament [The Gods of Babylonia and the New Testament], 1905).
Only 3 photographs of Kugler are known to exist. The portrait on the left is indicated as the youngest portrait of Kugler - obviously taken before 1900. The photograph on the right is extracted from a group photograph taken at Valkenburg Monastery - obviously after 1900. It is also indicated that the portrait photograph above was taken at the same time as the group photograph.
Kugler's signature. Source: Hilprecht Anniversary Volume (1909, Page 169).
Kugler in the context of Jesuit science
The Jesuits had numerous scientists and scholars in their ranks (especially mathematicians, astronomers, and cartographers). The Jesuit mathematicians were known for their independence and bold innovations. However, for all their brilliance, furthering science and scholarship was not their prime intention. They reflected the hopes of their founder Ignatius Loyola, who hoped to win the whole world for Catholic Christianity. This meant missionary work throughout the Old and New Worlds. (In 1902 a quarter of all Jesuits worked in foreign missions.) Franz Kugler had originally wanted to be part of the missionary work but was prevented due to a problem with his voice which prevented him preaching. Franz Kugler was a Catholic Christian, an ordained priest, and a lifetime member of the Society of Jesus. It can be convincingly argued that Jesuit scientists and academics lived their research as a spiritual quest (having an affinity with Ignatian spirituality). All this defines the rock on which Kugler's work was founded and the limits within which his mind was free to operate. As a Jesuit, Kugler would have held that science, philosophy and theology are directed toward knowing and understanding the world and universe. Also, he would have believed that the knowledge and understanding that science, philosophy or theology come up with cannot contradict one another. The relationship between theology and natural philosophy provided a framework in which to think. (Even during the 19th-century Jesuit scientific studies, which included mathematics, astronomy and physics, were part of the philosophy program). The limitations of Jesuit scientific culture are accounted for in institutional/doctrinal constraints (i.e., the influence of Aristotelian and Thomist traditions/concepts for constructing frameworks of knowledge; and the main disciplinary documents, such as the Constitutions and Ratio Studiorum), rather than in logical terms. Jesuit professors enthusiastically adopted particular elements of early modern science, such as experimental natural philosophy, while doggedly rejecting others, such as mechanical theories of matter. Kugler, due to his membership of the Jesuit Order, would have represented their scientific traditions in all aspects. Certainly his chronology schemes in Von Moses bis Paulus were subordinated to theological considerations. Franz Kugler was educated as a Jesuit and worked and died in this spiritual hot house. The Jesuits of the Faculty of Philosophy of Valkenburg Ignatius College had a great interest in the natural sciences, especially astronomy (both variable star research and Babylonian cuneiform recorded in cuneiform texts), physics, and biology. Valkenburg college was renowned for its academic programs. The Jesuits also realised they could not successfully take part in Assyriological controversies and the Bible until they had the necessary competence to discuss the primary source material.
Franz Kugler SJ. (life dates: 27-11-1862-25-01-1929). Kugler was a remarkable polymath and largely a self-taught assyriologist. (Note: Due to the modern influencing mistake of Alfred de Grazia, The Velikovsky Affair (1966) (his middle name Xaver is sometimes misspelled Xavier) many people still mistakenly write Kugler's middle name as Xavier instead of Xaver.) His name has also been misspelled, Franz Xavier Kügler. Also, he is mistakenly identified by some authors/academics as a Dutch astronomer. A lack of research is indicated.
Franz Kugler was born in Königsbach (sometimes mentioned as Königsberg?), Germany (Rheinland-Pfalz [= Rhineland-Palatinate]) - Bavaria - in 1862 and died in Lucerne, Switzerland in 1929, in a Catholic nursing home. Königsbach (now Königsbach an der Weinstraße, Allemagne) is a wine village/town situated to the north of Neustadt an der Weinstraße (in the Pfalz wine-growing region), is now also an official health resort. One current wine label is "Jesuitengarten." (The Palatinate was also called in German the Pfalz.) Königsbach is one of the villages that produce some of the best wines in the Rheine-Palatinate. In the 19th-century it was part of Prussia.
Königsbach was the location of the country estate built by the suffragan bishop (a bishop subordinate to a metropolitan bishop or diocesan bishop = assistant bishop) in 1759.
Kugler's birth-place Haus Königsbach ("Kings Brook House") may still exist. The house is/was located at number 21 in the re-named street Franz-Kugler-Strasse, in what is now Neustadt/Weinstrasse, Germany. The Franz Kugler Street/Road in Neustadt (variously referred to as Königsbach/Pfalz; Königsbach - Neustadt, Rheinland-Pfalz; Königsbach, Rheinland-Palatinate) is located in the 67435 zip code area and has a length of approximately 471 meters. The modern Rhineland-Palatinate (Rheinland-Pfalz) originates from the medieval state/region of Palatine. From the Middle Ages until the end of the 18th-century, the Palatinate (in modern southwestern Germany) was divided into several big and small states historically in union with Bavaria. For some time prior to 1836 the territory was first known as the Königlich Bayrischen Lande am Rhein. After 1836, it was known as the Bayrische Pfalz. After 1838 it was known variously as the Rheinpfalz (Palatinate) or Rheinbayern or simply Pfalz. This state had its capital at Speyer located west of the Rhine river. The capital is now Mainz.
Street plaque commemorating Franz Kugler; 21 Franz-Kugler-Strasse.
On left: Sketch of Kugler's birthplace and family home (no date). The fate of the house is unknown to me. A few sources seem to confuse Königsbach with Königsberg. Königsberg was the capital of the former German province of East Prussia. As a result of WWII, neither Königsberg nor East Prussia exists anymore. Königsberg (East Prussia) was devastated by Lancasters of RAF Bomber Command in August 1944, then devastated again when attacked and overrun by the advancing Soviet Army in April 1945 (after being under siege since January 1945). After World War II it was essentially given by the Allied Forces to the Soviet Union because Stalin wanted a year-round ice-free harbour. Königsberg was then renamed to Kaliningrad. On right: A historic Pfarrhaus (= Rectory) indicated as being in Königsbach. It likely has many architectural similarities with Kugler's birth-place, Haus Königsbach.
Apparently Kugler's birthplace was also the former manor house of the Auxiliary Bishop of Speyer (no other details presently known). From the late Roman period the middle Rhine valley formed the Bishopric of Speyer (Diocese of Speyer). The diocese is located in the South of the Rhineland-Palatinate and comprises also the Saarpfalz district in the east of the Saarland. The bishop's see is in the Palatinate city of Speyer. It was established in the 4th-century and is one of the oldest Dioceses in Germany. A (first?) bishop for the town of Speyer is first mentioned in a document in 346 CE.
On the basis of his education, training, and life's work he can best be (broadly) described as a chemist, mathematician, astronomer, cuneiform philologist, Assyriologist, historian and chronologist, and theologian. In April 1886 he entered the Jesuit Order. In 1893 he was ordained a priest. In 1894, at the age of 35, the Jesuit Order appointed him Professor of Higher Mathematics and Astronomy at the newly built Ignatius-College, Valkenburg (in Holland). (In 1897 the Jesuit Order appointed Professor of Higher Mathematics there? This was the year he at least began teaching there.) For most of his career he resided in Holland at the Jesuit theologate at Valkenburg. (Kugler was 38 years old in 1900, 45 years old in 1907, 52 years old in 1914, 56 years old in 1918, and 62 years old in 1924.)
After the death of Joseph Epping in 1894 Kugler decided he wanted to take over and continue Epping's work. "While in philosophy he received his first inspiration for his life work from Father Joseph Epping, professor of mathematics and astronomy." See: "Francis X. Kugler, S.J." by Henry Brock S.J. (Bulletin of the American Association of Jesuit Scientists (Eastern Section), Volume VII, Number 2, (no date but circa 1929/1930), Pages 17-19; Page 17). When Kugler had first met Epping at Exaeten he developed an interest in his studies of Babylonian astronomy and the many unsolved issues existing at that time. This introduction to Babylonian astronomy gave Kugler the impetus to be involved in the pioneering studies of Babylonian astronomy and continue the work of Epping (and Strassmaier). It remained with Kugler for over a decade before he was able to begin his own investigations and begin laying a solid scholarly foundation for studies in this field. (After his ordination - and a small delay due to other matters - Franz Kugler taught higher mathematics at Valkenburg.) When in 1897 he became Professor of Higher Mathematics and Astronomy he was commissioned to continue the work of Joseph Epping when Joseph Hontheim relented the task. Kugler quickly and enthusiastically resumed the studies of Strassmaier and Epping and began publishing a comprehensive manual on Babylonian astronomy. Kugler's monumental works published between 1900 and 1924 were a sequel to studies initiated by Epping and Strassmaier. Quite quickly Kugler established himself as an outstanding expert on ancient Babylonian astronomy and also cuneiform philology. Most of Kugler's academic life was dedicated to the interpretation of cuneiform texts dealing with astronomy; and with related topics of chronology and mythology. Characteristic of Kugler's method of investigation was a mathematical rigour for which he still perhaps remains unsurpassed.
I have yet to clarify the claim he was associated with Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München. Originally established in Ingolstadt in 1472 (as the University of Ingolstadt) by Duke Ludwig IX of Bavaria-Landshut, with papal approval. It was finally relocated to its present-day location in Munich in 1826 by King Ludwig I of Bavaria. In 1802, the university was officially named Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität by King Maximilian I of Bavaria. In the second half of the 19th-century, the university rose to great prominence in the European scientific community.
Franz Kugler as Polymath
|Chemist||University training. Technische Hochschule München (Technical University Munich). 1880-1885. PhD in chemistry. Expert in chemistry. When he entered the Jesuit Order in 1886 there is no indication he wanted to pursue chemistry.|
|Mathematician||Not identified. Likely part of university training. Technische Hochschule München (Technical University Munich). From 1880-1885 Kugler studied natural sciences there. This would have included mathematics and astronomy. Also part of Jesuit formation. Expert in higher mathematics. Among the topics that the Jesuits engaged in between the 16th and 19th centuries (the period of the early modern sciences) were: (1) Pure mathematics: Algebra, functions, series; analytical geometry; arithmetic; integral calculus and analysis; geometry; logarithms; number theory, probabilities, etc. (2) Mixed mathematics: Mechanics; optics (catoptrics, dioptrics); acoustics (harmonies, theory of music and sound); hydraulics, civil and military architecture; mathematical geography (localization, cartography); scientific instruments, physics cabinet. During the 3-year course in Philosophy that is part of their Jesuit formation the subjects studied are philosophy, mathematics and natural sciences, especially physics, chemistry, biology, physiology, astronomy, and geology.|
|Theologian||Jesuit formation. PhD in theology. Conventional Jesuit theologian. Studied theology at Ditton-Hall in England, 1890-1893/1894. Kugler would have received a PhD in theology.|
|Assyriologist||Largely self-taught. Resulting from materials investigated. Also, perhaps, Carl Bezold at the University of Heidelberg. Highly competent. Deciphering of astronomical material in British Museum collection.|
|Cuneiform Philologist||Largely self-taught. Also, Carl Bezold at the University of Heidelberg. Highly competent. Indicated that he was involved in self-study of Assyrian in 1897 and also formally under Carl Bezold in Heidelberg that same year. Indicated that between 1990 and 1907 further studies were undertaken under Carl Bezold in Heidelberg, perhaps 1906/1907.|
|Astronomer||Not identified. Likely part of university training. Technische Hochschule München (Technical University Munich). From 1880-1885 Kugler studied natural sciences there. This would have included mathematics and astronomy. Also part of Jesuit formation. Perhaps knowledge of Epping's methods of investigation. (Neugebauer, discussing a particular method of calculation (SSB2, Page 606 f.) states: "The greatly increased textual sources at his disposal were subjected by Kugler to the same procedure which Epping had followed before." ("Solstices and Equinoxes in Babylonian Astronomy during the Seleucid Period." by Otto Neugebauer (Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Volume 2, Number 3, 1948, Pages 209-222; Page 221).) Perhaps he had undertaken a short academic course. Expert knowledge of positional astronomy and associated mathematics. Not known of Epping left notes on how to proceed with calculations for astronomical investigations. Among the topics that the Jesuits engaged in between the 16th and 19th centuries (the period of the early modern sciences) were: Astronomy: Calendars, almanachs, ephemerides; clocks (dials, horology); spherical astronomy; lunar and solar astronomy (observation and theory); comets (observation and theory); stellar astronomy (observation); planetary astronomy (theory). In astronomy the Jesuits mostly limited themselves to positional astronomy/spherical astronomy - determining the location of objects on the celestial sphere, as seen at a particular date, time, and location on Earth. It relies on the mathematical methods of spherical geometry and the measurements of astrometry. During the 3-year course in Philosophy that is part of their Jesuit formation the subjects studied are philosophy, mathematics and natural sciences, especially physics, chemistry, biology, physiology, astronomy, and geology.|
|Chronologist||No formal academic training. Resulting from materials investigated to establish Babylonian chronology. Most results published 1907-1924. Expert knowledge but some dubious solutions.|
|Historian||No formal academic training. Resulting from his investigations into the development and phases of Babylonian astronomy and establishment of Babylonian chronology; and Biblical chronology. Expert knowledge but some dubious ideas.|
Kugler stated that he sought to combine in one head the necessary linguistic as well as mathematical and astronomical knowledge since the astral religion, astronomy and chronology of the Babylonians form one whole.
Kugler's genealogy (slightly ambiguous) in Neue deutsche Biographie: Band Krell-Lavern, 1953, Page 247 ("Genealogie V [Vater = Father] Franz (1824–93), Gutsbes., [Landowner (Farmer?)] S d. [Sohn des = Son of] Müllers [Miller] Christian aus [of] Lindenberg u. d. [und der = and the/u. = axor = wife] Barbara Steinbach; M [Mutter = Mother] Barbara [Wolf] (1825–1907), T d. [Tochter des = Daughter of] Winzers [Wine-grower] Josef Wolf u. d. [und der = and the/u. = axor = wife] Elisabeth Klamm") is obviously taken from: Esch, Michael. (1929). "Franz Xaver Kugler." Vierteljahrsschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, Volume 64, 1929, Pages 294-301.
Kugler's father was Franz Kugler (1824-1893, Königsbach) a Königsbach landowner who was the son of Christian Kugler (1781-?) (a miller in Lindenberg) and his wife Barbara née Steinbach (1785, Königsbach-?). The parents of Barbara Steinbach were Peter Steinbach (1781(?)-1797, Königsbach) and Anna Margaret Multer (1732, Königsbach-1812, Königsbach). Franz Kugler and Barbara Steinbach were married on 23 May, 1848. Kugler's mother Barbara née Wolf (1825, Königsbach-1907, Königsbach) was the daughter of winemakers Josef Wolf (also spelled Wolff) (1778, Königsbach-1860 Königsbach) and his wife Elisabeth née Klamm (1784, Königsbach-1849, Königsbach). (Josef Wolf is also listed as landowner and mayor. Elisabeth Klamm's full name was Maria Elisabeth Klamm.) Franz Kugler SJ had 3 brothers and 1 sister (all born in Königsbach), and was the oldest child. Twins Joseph and John were born 1849; Francisca was born 1855; and Paul was born 1858.
Janice Lutenberg Simpson (Gurnee, Illinois) advises (personal communication, 14-1-2016) that Franz X. Kugler S.J. is her 3rd cousin, 3x removed. Her 3rd great grandfather was Friedric Klamm. In a personal communication (15-1-2016) she advises "Looking in familysearch.org I find that Christian Kugler married Maria Barbara Steinbach on 31 Oct 1808 in Königsbach. His father is given as Theodor [Kugler] and mother as Francisca Mittinger. They had seven children including Franz [Kugler] between 1809 and 1824. These are found in FHL film 367718, Königsbach church records. The only other record of Christian [Kugler] that I can find is in the Intelligenzblatt for 1829, Vol 12. There is a brief notation of a property exchange between Christian [Kugler] and Friedrich Klamm." Janice Lutenberg Simpson (Gurnee, Illinois) (personal communication, 19-1-2016) kindly gave corrective advice on the genealogy details and provided further information regarding marriage dates and christening dates. (Some confusion is created with the use of same names, and cryptic abbreviations.)
Setting out all the details I have to date for genealogy we have:
1) Theodor [Kugler] married Francisca Mittinger and are parents of Christian Kugler. Theodor Kugler married Francisca Mittinger 12 November 1782 in Bad Dürkheim, Pfalz. Christian Kugler (son of Theodor Kugler and Francisca Mittinger) was christened 15 November 1784 in Bad Dürkheim,
2) Christian Kugler (1781-?, a Miller in Lindenberg) married Maria Barbara Steinbach on 31 October 1808 in Königsbach, Pfalz. Between 1809 and 1824 they had 7 children including one named [Johann] Franz [Kugler]. Pfalz. Maria Barbara Steinbach (daughter of Peter Steinbach and Anna Margaretha Multer) was christened 27 May 1785 in Königsbach, Pfalz. [Note In record entries emphasis is generally given to the 2nd name. Likely because of common similarity between first names as a source of confusion.]
Franz [Francis] Kugler (son of Christian Kugler and Maria Barbara Steinbach) was christened 27 Jan 1824 in Königsbach, Pfalz.
3) The parents of [Maria] Barbara Steinbach were Peter Steinbach (1781 (?)-1797(?), Königsbach) and Anna Margaret Multer (1732, Königsbach-1812, Königsbach).
4) [Johann] Franz Kugler (1824-1893, Königsbach, a Landowner) married Barbara née Wolf (1825, Königsbach-1907, Königsbach) on 23 May, 1848 and they are the parents of Franz X. Kugler S.J. Franz Kugler S.J. (son of Francis/Franz Kugler and Barbara Wolf) was born 28 November 1862, christened 30 November 1862 in Königsbach, Pfalz and died 02 March 1929.
5) Franz X. Kugler S.J. had 3 brothers and 1 sister (all born in Königsbach), and was the youngest child (born 1862). Twin brothers Joseph and John were born 1849; a sister Francisca was born 1855; and Paul was born 1858.
6) Franz X. Kugler's mother Barbara née Wolf (1825, Königsbach-1907, Königsbach) was the daughter of winemakers Josef Wolf (also spelled Wolff) (1778, Königsbach-1860 Königsbach) and his wife Elisabeth née Klamm (1784, Königsbach-1849, Königsbach). Barbara Wolf (daughter of Joseph Wolf and Maria Elisabetha Klamm) was christened 12 May 1825 in Königsbach, Pfalz.
7) Josef Wolf is also listed as a Landowner and Mayor. Elisabeth Klamm's full name was Maria Elisabeth Klamm.
It is indicated that Franz Xaver Kugler had middle-class parents who possessed a beautiful country home and had a semi-feudal relationship with the peasantry who worked their wine orchard.
|Place Names and Explanations (Alphabetic Order)|
|Place Name||Explanation (German geography is difficult because there are so many places with the same name, and it was not uncommon for names to to be changed and new jurisdictions formed.)|
The wine-growing village of Königsbach is very near Neustadt an der Haardt (Neustadt an der Weinstraße). From the centre of Königsbach to the main train station in Neustadt an der Haardt is 5.2 kilometre. The population of Konigsbach in 2012 was 1144 persons. Königsbach celebrated its 750th anniversary in 1994. A document issued by the Palatine Count Otto II in 1244 refers to the town as Khungespach. Between 1353 and 1632, the village stood under the knights of Hirschhorn. A street called Hirschhornring in the village is a reference to this period. After the extinction of the clan, Königsbach returned to the possession of the Bishoric of Speyer. The dominant structure in the village is the Catholic church of St. John the Baptist and Sebastian. Königsbach, Germany (Rheinland-Pfälz [= Rhineland-Palatinate]) is a wine village/town situated to the north of Neustadt an der Weinstraße (in the Pfälz wine-growing region), is now also an official health resort. (The Palatinate was also called in German the Pfälz.) Königsbach is one of the villages that produce some of the best wines in the Rheine-Palatinate. In the 19th-century it was part of Prussia. Königsbach was the location of the country estate built by the suffragan bishop (a bishop subordinate to a metropolitan bishop or diocesan bishop = assistant bishop) in 1759. Kugler's birth-place Haus Königsbach ("Kings Brook House") may still exist. The house is/was located at number 21 in the re-named street Franz-Kugler-Strasse, in what is now Neustadt/Weinstrasse, Germany. The Franz Kugler Street/Road in Neustadt (variously referred to as Königsbach/Pfalz; Königsbach - Neustadt, Rheinland-Pfalz; Königsbach, Rheinland-Palatinate) is located in the 67435 zip code area and has a length of approximately 471 meters. The modern Rhineland-Palatinate (Rheinland-Pfalz) originates from the medieval state/region of Palatine. From the Middle Ages until the end of the 18th-century, the Palatinate (in modern southwestern Germany) was divided into several big and small states historically in union with Bavaria. For some time prior to 1836 the territory was first known as the Königlich Bayrischen Lande am Rhein. After 1836, it was known as the Bayrische Pfälz. After 1838 it was known variously as the Rheinpfalz (Palatinate) or Rheinbayern or simply Pfälz. This state had its capital at Speyer located west of the Rhine river. The capital is now Mainz.
|Lindenberg||Lindenberg is very near Königsbach - 11.6 kilometres west from Königsbach. This is the shortest distance between the points on today's roads. Lindenburg is west of Neustadt an der Weinstrasse [Haardt]. Lindenberg is a Pfälzerwald village and also the name of the municipality in the district of Bad Dürkheim, in the German state of Rheinland-Pfälz (sometimes called Rheinland-Palatinate). (The Pfälzerwald is the hilly forest west of the Wine Road [Weinstrasse].) The "street village" - by some definitions, a "thorpe" (hamlet or small village) – is believed to have arisen about 1100 CE from a castle that belonged to the Bishopric of Speyer. In the late 13th-century, Lindenberg passed as a fief to the Lords of Frankenstein. In 1550, the castle was destroyed. The Lindenberg Chapel has served pilgrims for many centuries. Note: I am grateful for Janice Lutenberg Simpson kindly advising that I had previously muddled the Lindenberg which is near Königsbach and Neustadt and the Lindenberg in the Allgäu region of the Federal State of Bavaria.|
|Neustadt an der Haardt||Neustadt (an der Haardt) was founded in the 13th-century by Count Palatine Louis I and his son, Otto II below their Winzingen Castle. In 1815, Neustadt became part of the Kingdom of Bavaria, along with the rest of the Palatinate, until 1945. It belonged to the county of Rheinkreis, known from 1837 as Pfalz. In 1847, Neustadt was connected to the railway network by the Palatine Ludwig Railway. Neustadt an der Haardt is now known as Neustadt an der Weinstraße (Neustadt a.d. Weinstr.) (and now is the largest town in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany, called Neustadt). The population of Neustadt an der Haardt/Neustadt an der Weinstraße in 2012 was 2656 persons. Officially abbreviated as Neustadt a. d. Weinstr., the name can be shortened as Neustadt/Weinstrasse (as on train departure and arrival boards) or Neustadt (Weinstrasse). The name literally means "new town on the wine route," as it lies on the German wine route (Deutsche Weinstrasse), in Rhineland-Palatinate, in Germany. It is one of several dozen German and Austrian places called Neustadt. These new towns are typically differentiated by the rivers upon which they lie (e.g., Neustadt (Aisch)), the regions they are located in (e.g., Neustadt/Hessen) or, in this case, a peculiar distinctive feature – namely Weinstraße – "Wine Route." Neustadt an der Weinstraße. Porträt einer Stadt. by Gerhard Berzel (2000) explains the town name: "Older documents written in Latin refer to the town as nova civitas, New Town. One also finds variant names like Nüwenstat, Nüwestat or Nuwenstat. In more recent times, the town was called Neustadt an der Haardt, a name which was retained until 1936. The local winemaking industry established the Deutsche strasse to popularise its products and hence the town also came to be known as Neustadt an der Weinstrasse. After the Second World War, the old name, Haardt was restored but in 1950, the name was changed again to an der Weinstrasse."|
Google map showing Königsbach (to right), Neustadt (bottom right), and Lindenberg (top left).
Some historical background
The reign of France's Louis XIV (1638-1718), known as the Sun King, lasted for 72 years, longer than that of any other known European sovereign. In that time annexed key territories and established his country as the dominant European power. During these times, the French forces of the Sun king Louis XIV ravaged the Palatinate region. The French returned returned following the Revolution of 1789 and the crowning of Napoleon Bonaparte. The result was to incorporate the Rhine west bank territories into France and the east bank territories into the essentially-puppet duchies of Baden and Hesse. After Napoleon's defeat in 1815, the Congress of Vienna granted the majority of the east-bank lands to Bavaria and a territory called Rheinhessen including the economically vital cities of Mainz and Worms to Hesse-Darmstadt. Rheinhessen was at that time one of the three provinces of the Grandduchy of Hessen, the other two being Starkenburg and Oberhessen. Mainz, west of the Rhine river, was the provincial capital. In Bavaria, which was not territorially contiguous with its new property, the territory was first known as the Königlich Bayrischen Lande am Rhein. After 1836, it was known as the Bayrische Pfalz. After 1838 it was known variously as the Rheinpfalz (Palatinate) or Rheinbayern or simply Pfalz. This state had its capital at Speyer located west of the Rhine river. The west-bank lands went to Prussia and were joined to Prussia's east bank possessions to form the Prussian Rheinprovinz (Rhine Province) in 1824. Prussia annexed nearby Nassau and Meisenheim in 1866 and the Rhineland became the most prosperous area of the new German nation following its formation in 1871.
After the Napoleonic Confederation of the Rhine (1806-1813) and the Congress of Vienna (1815), the historic Palatinate east of the Rhine became incorporated into the state of Baden. An area west of the Rhine, with its capital at Speyer, governed by Bavaria (capital: Munich), became known as the Rheinpfalz, Rhine Palatinate, rheinische Pfalz, Rhenish Palatinate, Bayerische Pfalz, or Bavarian Palatinate. This was the Palatinate of the 19th century, which prior to the unification of Germany in 1871 was known as "Rhinefalls" or "Rinefels" for Rheinpfalz or "Rinebier" or "Byrum" or "Bion" for (Rhein) Bayern (all somewhat puzzling place names). Regarding the usage of "Palatinate" and "Palatine"; the German words are Pfalz, Pfäzflzer, and pfälzisch. In summary: After 1815, the Bavarian district west of the Rhine River became known as the Palatinate, while much of the former Palatinate became part of northern Baden. (See the 3-part article “What is a Palantine? - Historical Background.” by Ernest Thode (professional genealogist) in Antique Week. Also, "What [is] a Palatine? An Over-Used Word that Confuses." (Der Blumenbaum, Band 25, Number 4, April/May/June, 2008, Pages 209-211.)
In 1946 the Rhineland-Palatinate was created by the French military government as a part of the French Occupation Zone. It comprised lands including the southern part of the Prussian province Rheinprovinz (Rhineland), part of the Prussian province Hessen-Nassau, part of Rheinhessen (Rheinhessen was a part of the free state Hessen-Darmstadt) and the Bavarian Rheinpfalz and consisted in all of 39 counties in 5 districts - Koblenz, Montabaur, Pfalz, Rheinhessen and Trier until a reorganization in the years 1968-1972. (The French occupation zone included the southern part of Baden, Rhineland-Palatinate, Saarland and Wuerttemberg-Hohenzollern ). In 1947, during the Allied occupation of Germany after World War II, the Allied Powers declared the State of Preussen (Prussia) dissolved as part of their reorganisation of German states (as agreed to by the Allied Forces at the 1945 Potsdam agreement on policy for the occupation and reconstruction of Germany). Most of Hitler's generals were Prussian. Prussia had been the historic heart of German militarism. Historically, Prussia regarded military power and authoritarian rule as essential for its survival within a hostile international environment and for its "historic mission" to unite the rest of Germany in the 19th-century.
Part 6: Early Years, Education
Kugler's early years and education
There are no details of Kugler's formative years. Excepting for his attendance at the Realschule in Neustadt an der Haardt, nothing is known of Kugler's early childhood. His sister Francisca and brother Paul were his likeliest companions until he was enrolled at the Realschule.
Presumably, Kugle attended elementary school (grundschule) in Königsbach. He was separated by 13 years from his twin brothers. By the time he was enrolled at the Realschule they were approaching their mid twenties.
It appears that Kugler would have spent most of his early teens in Neustadt an der Haardt because of his schooling there. In 1847, Neustadt was connected to the railway network by the Palatine Ludwig Railway. I have yet to determine whether this connected with Königsbach. The Palatine Northern Railway, running through Königsbach and Neustadt was planned, built in stages, and fully completed between 1860 and 1873. Its route ran parallel to the Palatinate Ludwig Railway and the Mainz–Ludwigshafen railway. There were some issues when several Königsbach wine makers continued to oppose the acquisition of their land. The Neustadt–Bad Durkheim section opened on 6 May 1865. On 21 March 1873, the Monsheim–Grünstadt section was opened. On 20 July 1873, the gap was closed between Bad Dürkheim and Grünstadt. (A narrow-gauge tramway was (also) opened in the early 20th-century.) Before studying chemistry at university Kugler attended the Realschule [High School/Secondary School] in Neustadt an der Hardt [Haardt]. It is indicated that the school opened in the late 1860s. It was referred to as a modern school. It was not a Catholic school nor was its curriculum Catholic in character. The distance from Königsbach to Neustadt an der Haardt via the modern roadway is 5.2 kilometres (3.2 miles). The distance was not too far for daily travel on school days; horse would be sufficient. (Whether the Realschule was a boarding school or if Franz Kugler had lodging arranged for him in Neustadt is indicated as irrelevant. I cannot find any indication that the Realschule was a boarding school (internat).) Indicated as a further source of information: Gedenkblatt zum 50jährigen Jubiläum der Realschule Neustadt a. d. Haardt. Jahresbericht, 50., über die Bayerische Realschule mit Handelsabteilung zu Neustadt an der Haardt. 1918/19 (Published by Aktien-Druckerei, 1919, Length 7 pages). (Draft translation of key title: Commemorative (news)paper for the 50th jubilee year of the secondary school of Neustadt a. d. Haardt.) It was not unusual for affluent Catholic parents to send their sons to schools able to give them the necessary education to prepare them for further study at a university. In modern educational practice in Germany pupils start at Realschule at the age of 10 or 11 years and typically finish school at the age of 16–17 years. (It appears that Kugler completed his studies there in 1878. Likely he started attending this school circa 1872.) I have yet to determine where his brother Paul was educated. Perhaps, for some years, they attended the Realschule together. I presume that Kugler obtained a 'Secondary School Leaving Certificate' or similar (i.e., passed the matriculation examination). After leaving the Realschule, Kugler attended the Industrieschule in Kaiserslautern sometime between August 1878 and October 1880. Kugler then started his studies at Technische Hochschule München. He then entered the Jesuit order and apparently never returned home. The education received by his sister Francisca is not known.
There was also a Jesuit presence in Neustadt an der Haardt. See: Die Jesuiten in Neustadt an der Haardt in früheren Jahrhunderten [The Jesuits in Neustadt an der Haardt in previous centuries] (Sauer, 1948, 8 pages). The Jesuits had a large College in Neustadt an der Haardt. The Stadthaus is the former Jesuit College there (built 1743).
The Realschule in Neustadt an der Haardt (postcards, no date) attended by Kugler before studying at the Technischen Hochschule München from 1880 to 1885. In the late 19th-century Neustadt an der Haardt was a small manufacturing town. Earlier it was an administrative centre. The Realschule was situated to enable views across the valley. Neustadt an der Hardt has many different kinds of records that have been microfilmed.
Cover of Annual Report for the School Year 1873-1874, including for High School and Trade School and Continuing Education School. It was an open school with Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish students.
Franz Kugler's Realschule record for the year 1873-1874. 1873/74 Königlich Bayerische Gewerbs- und Handelsschule zu Neustadt a. d. Haardt. (1874). At 11 years old Franz Kugler is indicated as a high achiever and very religious. He does not appear in the Annual Report for the School Year 1870-1871. He completed his studies in August 1878. Likely he was initially enrolled for the 1872-1873 school year. The subjects taught included religion, literature, history, geography, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, chemistry, mineralogy, grammar, and drawing. In this progress report Kugler was ranked 7 in a class of 31 pupils and for subjects was rated: 1 for religion, 2 for German, 2 for arithmetic, 2 for geography, and 1 for writing.
Cover of Annual Report for the School Year 1874-1875, including for High School and Trade School and Continuing Education School.
Franz Kugler's Realschule record for the year 1874-1875. 1874/75 Königlich Bayerische Gewerbs- und Handelsschule zu Neustadt a. d. Haardt. (1875). There are now 10 subjects being taught. In this progress report Kugler was ranked 14 in a class of 51 pupils.
A direct source for gleaning civil matters that happened in the Königsbach area are the yearly books: Königlich bayerisches Amts- und Intelligenzblatt für die Pfalz, and Königlich bayerisches Amts- und Intelligenzblatt für die Pfalz. However, these publications apparently terminate before Kugler's date of birth.
Throughout the 19th-century the Palatinate area experienced economic crises and consequently high levels of emigration overseas to North America (and also to other parts of Europe). The Rhineland-Palatinate region of Germany became famous from the early 19th-century for its bands of wandering musicians. The area struggled to support its growing population with limited opportunities for farming and quarrying but they discovered that there was good money to be made as travelling musicians.
Königlich Bayerische Industrie-Schule (Kaiserslautern)
Kaiserslautern is an industrial and university city in southwest Germany, on the northwestern edge of the Palatinate Forest in the south (Bundesland) of the Rhineland-Palatinate. The historic centre dates to the 9th century.
Sometime between August 1878 and October 1880, Kugler attended the Industrieschule in Kaiserslautern (Königlich Bayerische Industrie-Schule (Kaiserslautern)). The industrial school taught 2 main subjects; technical mechanics and technical chemistry (applied chemistry). At the time of Kugler's attendance, Kaiserslautern and the Palatinate were a Bavarian province. I presently do not know what qualification Kugler obtained from his attendance at a 2 year course. He was likely 15 years old when he was enrolled and likely 17 years old when he completed studies there. The distance from Königsbach to Kaiserslautern via a modern roadway is approximately 35 kilometres (22 miles) (through the Palatinate Forest). It is likely that Kugler resided/lodged/boarded in Kaiserslautern.
On left: Undated photograph of Industrieschule in Kaiserslautern - likely pre 1900. It was the original Industrieschule in Kaiserslautern. It is now a vocational school. ("Ehemalige Königliche Industrieschule, heute Berufsbildende Schule.") The school may have opened in 1872. Georg Recknagel (1835-1920) was the Direktor der Industrieschule in Kaiserslautern from 1882-1887. He wrote humorous articles as well as textbooks. On right: Undated photograph of Industrieschule in Kaiserslautern - perhaps circa 1900. The photograph was definitely taken before WWI. There has been a change in buildings but I do not know if there has been some sort of change in location. Perhaps the photographs of the block of buildings were taken in different streets.
Jahresbericht über die Königliche Industrieschule zu Kaiserslautern für das Schuljahr 1873-1874.
Technical chemistry curriculum for 1873-1874. I presently do not know what qualification Kugler obtained from his attendance at a 2 year course. He was about 16 years old when he was enrolled.
German university practices in the late 19th-century
German educational system in the 19th-century
Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) the first chief of the reformed central educational administration was the architect of 19th-century educational reforms in Germany. One principle he stated (and which is still existent in the German educational system) was the strict division of general education and vocational training. However, it was only after the unification of Germany, following the Franco-Prussian War, and the creation of Imperial Germany under the directive guidance of Bismarck (1870/1871), that a number of significant educational reforms were actually implemented. The concept of compulsory primary education, with an 8-year course of primary education, was gradually implemented during the 19th-century. Also very influential in education, both in Germany and abroad, was Friedrich Froebel's development of the kindergarten in 1837. Humboldt required university-level training for high school teachers and modernized the structure and curriculum of the Gymnasium , the preparatory school. He also proposed an orientation phase after the Gymnasium and a qualifying examination known as the Abitur for university admission. In 1810, Prussia had introduced state certification requirements for teachers, which significantly raised the standard of teaching. The final examination, Abitur, was introduced in 1788, implemented in all Prussian secondary schools by 1812 and extended to all of Germany in 1871. Passing the state controlled Abitur was a prerequisite to entering the learned professions and higher echelons of the civil service.
Since the 19th-century the German education school system has traditionally been highly stratified with 3 types of schools. The German school system comprises the Gymnasium (the highest level school preparing students for university studies) is the highest level school of the 3 types of German secondary schools, the others being Realschule (the intermediate level) and Hauptschule (the lowest level, which prepares children for work or vocational training). The Gymnasium strongly emphasizes academic learning, comparable to the British grammar school system. Students are admitted to a Gymnasium at 10 or 13 years of age and are required to have completed four to six years of Grundschule (primary education).
For much of the 19th-century, Germany had two distinctive educational tracks: the Gymnasium , which provided a classical education for elites; and the Volksschule, which was attended for 8 years by about 90 percent of children. The two schools were administered and supervised separately. Later in the century, two additional types of school emerged: the Realgymnasium , which substituted modern languages for the classics, and the Oberrealschule, which emphasized mathematics and science. Because of these schools had high standards and long duration they prepared students for the professions or university entrance. Around the turn of the 20th-century, the Mittelschule, or middle school, was introduced. Children entered the Mittelschule after three years of elementary school, and they attended that school for six years.
In 1872 a new law required the Prussian elementary schools to adopt new courses of study that reasserted the authority of the State in education, extended the control of the public authorities, and made the State instead of the Church the authority even for religious instruction. The secondary schools also were redirected to place emphasis on scientific subjects and modern languages (replacing the earlier emphasis on Greek and Latin). In 1890 the German Emperor interfered to force a reform of the gymnasial programs in order better to adapt them to modern needs.
In the latter part of the 19th-century, new universities were established in a number of major German cities, including Munich, Hamburg, and Frankfurt am Main. Many of these new universities were technical universities. The universities were state supported but largely independent in matters of curriculum and administration. A university degree was the prerequisite for entering the professions and the higher levels of the civil service.
I cannot find any specific information regarding Kugler taking the qualifying examination (actually a set of examinations) known as the Abitur for university. The Abitur is the set of final exams that pupils take at the end of their secondary education, usually after 12 or 13 years of schooling. The (German) Abitur is typically obtained at a Gymnasium. The "Kursstufe" (upper sixth form) is the final stage of the Gymnasium education, leading to the general certificate of aptitude for higher education, the Abitur. Up until the 18th-century, every German university had its own entrance examination. In 1788 Prussia introduced the Abiturreglement, a law that established the Abitur (later also established in the other German states) as an official qualification. In 1834 it became the only university entrance exam in Prussia, and it remained so in all states of Germany until 2004.
German university practices in the 19th-century
At many German universities it is possible to apply for admission twice a year - to commence studies either in the winter or summer semester. The summer semester runs from March to August at Fachhochschulen (colleges) and April to September at universities; the winter semester is from September to February and October to March respectively. The German doctorate could be awarded after 3 years of study beyond the Gymnasium and a brief dissertation.
The German universities were all state-funded institutions and university staff were all civil servants (state employees). However, there was provision for teaching staff as private employees.
Regarding the abbreviation Stud, prlv. [= Prlv.-Stud.]. The 1880s was a period of overcrowding in German universities. To obtain practical skills students took and paid for private courses = the use of private teachers or Privatdoenten (Privatdozenten), who had completed their advanced training and were licensed to teach students informally outside the official curriculum. Application as a private docent was made to the faculty committee of the university. Within the German university system of the period there was no single tuition payment. The tradition of students making payments to professors as well as to private teachers in Germany was becoming an ever larger source of professional income by the 1880s. There was a large degree of freedom given to German students in choosing electives outside of the few set courses, and in moving from university to university.
Excursus: Privatdozent is an academic title conferred by some European universities, especially in German-speaking countries, to someone who holds certain formal qualifications that denote an ability to teach independently at university level. In its current usage, the title indicates that the holder has permission to teach and supervise PhD students independently at the conferring university without holding a professorial chair, and the qualification to be appointed as full professor. The title is not necessarily connected to a salaried position, but may entail a nominal obligation to teach at the conferring institution. The title has its origins in German-speaking countries in Europe before 1800. It referred to a lecturer who received fees from his students rather than a university salary.
Kugler's university education
Sources state that from 1880-1885 Kugler studied natural sciences at the Technischen Hochschule München (Technische Hochschule München). Michael Esch specifically states that from October 1880 to March 1885 Kugler studied at the chemical engineering department at the THM. (I now understand the abbreviated sentence: "Bayr. Realsch., Industriesch. Humanist. Stud, prlv.; techn. Hochsch. u. Univ. München." to mean: It is stated that Kugler was a private student (Stud. priv.) Less problematic is the abbreviated sentence: "K. besuchte die Industrie-Schule in Kaiserslautern, studierte 1880-85 Natuwissenschaften an der TH München und werde 1886 an der Univ. Basel promoviert.") A draft translation: After completing high school, Kugler attended the Industrial School in Kaiserslautern, then from [October] 1880-[March] 1885 he studied natural sciences at the Technical University of München, and then, later in 1885 he went to the University of Basel to receive his doctorate degree. (Yet to be completely understood are the terms/abbreviations "Humanist. Stud, prlv." I think the term Humanist intends to mean: German humanist - a text-centred scholar/philologist (institutionalised) whose cornerstones of erudition were/are the ancient world and theology. Otherwise a scholar working primarily through correspondence and printed material and having a focus on philological material.)
In 1880 Kugler was almost 18 years old. 18 seems to be the usual entry age to a German university at this period. THM (Technische[n] Hochschule München) was founded in 1868 by King Ludwig II to provide the state of Bavaria with a centre of learning dedicated to the natural sciences. Initially it was the Polytechnische Schule München, which had the status of a university. It was allowed to call itself Königlich Bayerische Technische Hochschule München as from the academic year 1877–1878. The university played a vital role in Bavaria's transition from an agricultural to an industrial state – and accelerated the pace of technological advancement in general across Europe. It appears that the THM could not award a PhD until 1901. Students with a completed doctoral dissertation had to try and find a university that would accept their doctoral dissertation. The publication details for Kugler's dissertation are: Published: Speyer : Druck von Jäger, 1886; Thesis [Hochschulschrift]: Basel, University Dissertation, 1886. It seems indicated that Kugler was able to get the University of Basel, Switzerland, to accept his doctoral dissertation. Speyer is a town in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany.
Per Michael Esch: In the summer of 1880 with the testimony of a good school record behind him Kugler studied for 8 semesters, 29 October 1880 to 15 March 1883 and 27 November 1883 to 20 March 1885, at the chemical-engineering department of the Technical University in Munich. Soon afterwards in Munich he passed the (state) teachers' examination (Oberlehrer) [for scientists?] for teaching chemistry with the I. Note (?). (Kugler would have selected a thesis for examination.) He would have received a certificate allowing him to teach the subject of chemistry in the schools of higher learning in Germany. On the 22 December 1885 he obtained/completed his doctorate at the University of Basel.
Technische Hochschule München (München Polytechnic) 1877, east facade of south wing, showing entrance. Abbreviated as: techn. Hochsch. u. Univ. München. (Photo credit: Copyright © Courtauld Institute of Art (reproduced as 'fair use' for the purposes of education, criticism and comment).)
Kugler studied chemistry under the German chemist Emil Erlenmeyer (1825–1909), the first professor of chemistry at the Polytechnic University of Munich. In concluding the preface to his dissertation Kugler thanked, among others, Herrn Prof. Dr. Emil Erlenmeyer. (Kugler's interest in chemistry/his dissertation topic may have been an associated with grape growing and wine making.) In 1863, Erlenmeyer became associate professor at the University of Heidelberg. In 1868 he was hired as full professor in Munich to take charge of the laboratories of the new Munich Polytechnic School, a post which he held until his retirement from teaching in 1883. He retired in 1883 due to health reasons but he still continued to be a consultant. Kugler may have completed his chemistry studies under William Miller (1848-1899) who succeeded Erlenmeyer in 1883 (in teaching physical chemistry). Miller began teaching at the THM in 1880. He had studied chemistry there from 1871 to 1874 and in 1874 he received his PhD at the LMU. He habilitated in 1875 and obtained positions at various German universities and in 1800 obtained the position at THM of an assistantship to Erlenmeyer. In 1883 he succeeded Erlenmeyer.
In Munich in 1885 Kugler passed the Staatsexamen (State Examination) for chemistry. The Staatsexamen is a German government licensing examination that prescribed future professions have to pass to be allowed to work in their profession. Students usually study at university for 4–6 years before they take the first (of possibly 2) Staatsexamen. The State Examination study program used to be the degree for all disciplines leading to a career in the German Civil Services, as in law or to become a teacher, or for other subjects/professions under state supervision.
Sources state that in 1885 Franz Kugler received a PhD in chemistry (i.e., was a Doctor of Chemistry). This appears to be correct. In 1885 Kugler completed studies for his PhD at THM and it was awarded at the end of 1885 by the University of Basel (and published in 1886). His PhD thesis was based on his experimental work in chemistry. (Kugler may apparently have conducted experimental work in chemistry in Basel, following his PhD.) The title of his doctoral dissertation is Über die Einwirkung des Propionaldehyds auf Anilin bei Gegenwart concentrirter Salzsäure. (= About the action of propionaldehyde to aniline in the presence of concentrated hydrochloric acid. The title explains the nature of his experimental work in chemistry.) His doctoral dissertation was published as a monograph and copies are held in libraries in Germany and France. A copy is held in the National Library of France (Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF)). (Details of Kugler's science dissertation in BNF general catalogue: Publication : Speyer : Druck von Jäger, 1886, Description matérielle : In-8° , 45 p., fig.) Use of the Karlsruhe Institute of Technology Virtual Catalog identifies multiple copies held in German libraries. The publication details of his doctoral dissertation are: Author: Franz Xaver Kugler (S. J., Le P.); Title: Über die Einwirkung des Propionaldehyds auf Anilin bei Gegenwart concentrirter Salzsäure, Inaugural-Dissertation; Published: Speyer : Druck von Jäger, 1886; Description In-8°, 45 pages, figures; Thesis [Hochschulschrift]: Basel, University Dissertation, 1886.
The Bernoullianums, University of Basel. The starting point for the construction of the Bernoullianums was to build an observatory. A private financial foundation was established in 1860. In the subsequent years, advanced planning ensured the building could offer a number of scientific subjects. The new building, which offered physics, chemistry, and astronomy, was inaugurated on 2 June 1874.
Kugler may have originally planned to become a chemist but then (rather suddenly) altered this career intention and entered the Jesuit Order. "[He] ... studied science at at the Universities of Heidelberg and Munich. He took his doctor's degree in 1885 and in the following year he entered the Society." "While in philosophy he received his first inspiration for his life work from Father Joseph Epping, professor of mathematics and astronomy." See: "Francis X. Kugler, S.J." by Henry Brock S.J. (Bulletin of the American Association of Jesuit Scientists (Eastern Section), Volume VII, Number 2, (no date but circa 1929/1930), Pages 17-19; Page 17). Kugler may have become familiar with the Jesuits whilst attending the Realschule in Neustadt an der Haardt.
Summary of Kugler's education
|Königsbach||Grundschule (Elementary School)||Perhaps 1867 to 1871||Unknown||Perhaps 4/5 years old to 9 years old|
|Neustadt an der Haardt||Realschule (High School)||1872 to August 1878||Likely obtained the Secondary School Leaving Certificate or similar (i.e., passed the matriculation examination)||9 years and 6 months old in mid June 1872 and 15 years and 8 months old in mid August 1878|
|Kaiserslautern||Industrieschule (Industrial School)||Sometime between August 1878 and October 1880||Qualification obtained presently unknown||Approx. 15 years old when enrolling and 17 years old when completing|
|Kaiserslautern or Neustadt an der Haardt||Final examinations to qualify for university (= graduation with the university entrance examination)||Likely on completion of Industrieschule rather than Realschule||Abitur||17 years old|
|München||Technische Hochschule München (Technical University Munich)||29 October 1880 to 15 March 1883 and 27 November 1883 to 20 March 1885||Completed his doctoral dissertation in chemistry||17 years and 11 months old when beginning seminars and 22 years and 3months and 20 days old when completing seminars|
|Excursus: München||Was an assistant in the chemical engineering department (chemical laboratory) at the Technischen Hochschule München||During 1884-1885||NA||22 years and 6 months and 18 days in mid June 1894|
|München||Unknown where conducted||Presumably on a given day||Passed the Staatsexamen (State Licensing Examination) for teaching (practicing) chemistry||22 years old if passed in 1885 before 28 November|
|Basel (Switzerland)||University of Basel||22 December 1885||Awarded his PhD||23 years and 24 days old|
|Excursus: München?/Basel?||Conducted experimental work in chemistry to qualify for his PhD. May have conducted experimental work in chemistry in Basel, following award of PhD (but perhaps unlikely).||Between late March 1885 and mid April 1886||NA||Toward mid 22-mid 23 years old|
|Blijenbeek (Holland)||Entered the novitiate of the Society of Jesus||19 April 1886 [Note: Jesuit records indicate he entered the novitiate on 29 April 1886]||NA||23 years and 4 months and 22 days [per 19 April 1886]|
Note: Johann Schaumberger and others (drawing from the same source rather than personal knowledge?) state that Kugler studied Naturwissenschaften (Natural Sciences) in Heidelberg and Munich. I presently cannot identify any studies by Kugler in Heidelberg prior to him entering the Jesuit noviatiate in 1886. An available time period (even 1-2 years) for studies in Heidelberg is not indicated. The "Heidelberg study claim" is not made by Otto Volk in his entry, "Kugler, Franz Xaver" in: Neue Deutsche Biographie, Band 13, 1982, S. 247f. The Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopädie der Theologie und der Kirchen edited by Bernd Moeller and Bruno Jahn (2005, 2 Volumes; Volume 1, Page 812) ("Kugler, Franz Xaver" also does not state that Kugler studied Naturwissenschaften in Heidelberg. The mistake may have originated with the Kugler obituary by Michael Esch.
The myth of Kugler as a chemist
Kugler originally trained as a chemist and graduated in chemistry. He was also qualified to each. However, he did not begin a professional career as a chemist. (Part of the problem may have been with entrance into the learned professions. It was somewhat government controlled.) It has been stated/claimed (incorrectly) that Kugler started his academic career as a university lecturer of chemistry. I have never seen any evidence that he actually taught chemistry. (Which could not have been for more than one year.) This error concerning Kugler's biographical details was perpetrated by Livio Stecchini. (Many of Stecchini's comments regarding Kugler are unreliable.) Kugler was not a Professor of Chemistry claimed by at least 1 source. No one has shown evidence that Kugler worked as a lecturer in chemistry or as a chemist after gaining his PhD. During 1884-1885 Kugler was an assistant in the chemical laboratory (correctly, chemical-engineering department?) at the Technischen Hochschule München whilst undertaking his doctoral studies. The working hours as assistant are not known but could be perhaps up to 40 hours a week. (Assistant in the Chemical Laboratory at the Technical High School Münich, 1884-1885. Descriptive abbreviation: Assist. am chem. Lab. d. techn. Hoclisch.) His connection to chemistry is basically connected with his studies (up to PhD) before entering the Jesuit Order. Kugler conducted experimental work in chemistry to qualify for his PhD. Kugler may apparently have conducted experimental work in chemistry in Basel, following his PhD (but perhaps unlikely). Conducting experimental work in chemistry for a short period - likely unpaid - is not the same as working in some capacity professionally as a chemist. Because the THM could not award a PhD at that time Kugler was able to get his completed doctoral dissertation accepted by the University of Basel. The publication details for Kugler's dissertation identify this: Published: Speyer : Druck von Jäger, 1886; Thesis [Hochschulschrift]: Basel, University Dissertation, 1886. Kugler did pass the state examination that allowed him teach chemistry. Kugler did not proceed to complete a habilitation (a qualification for lecturing in a German university (involving writing another university level thesis and giving a presentation), Dr. habil.). The Habilitation originated in 19th-century Germany. The decisive step in an academic career in Germany consists in submitting a Habilitationschrift (a 2nd thesis) superior to the PhD thesis and passing a colloquium with the faculty. Kugler left chemistry when he entered the Jesuit order 4 months after he was awarded his PhD.
The 3 largest German universities in the 19th-century were those of Berlin, Leipzig, and Munich. Many lecturers relied on private income (i.e., fees paid directly to them by their students - "livelihood students"). The earnings of Privatdozent were low. Independent wealth was usually a requirement. The main tasks of the lecturers were to teach and examine undergraduates, and deal with the administrative work.
Note: It is not known whether Kugler's interest in chemistry was connected with the family business/wine making. Chemistry is important to winemaking. Wine is a complex mixture of chemical compounds. In the 19th-century Germany had an increasing development in the sciences, especially of chemistry and physics. It is indicated that no mathematical training was included as part of chemistry courses.
Note: A university degree, especially a PhD, was the way to social prestige and professional success. From the 19th-century German universities never had a monopoly over research in Germany. Ever since the 19th-century large private companies depended heavily on their own research and development activities in areas such as electrical engineering, mechanical engineering, and chemical engineering. They were staffed by highly trained and well paid scientists. Also, the German government made massive investments in scientific research institutes outside of the universities. Two notable bodies arising from this were the German Research Community and the Kaiser Wilhelm Society.
Part 7: Jesuit Formation
It is still somewhat difficult to identify Kugler's basic Jesuit training. Traditional Jesuit training (formation) presumed something like: 2 years novitiate; 1-2 years juniorate; 2-3 years philosophy; 3 years regency, 4 years theology (= Scholastic); and 2-6 months or 1 year tertianship. There is no reason to believe that Kugler went through all the usual stages of Jesuit formation. On 29 April 1886 he entered the novitiate at Blijenbeek and in 1893 at Ditton Hall he was ordained a priest. This is a 8 year training period. Kugler studied Philosophy at Exaeten and Theology at Ditton Hall. It is likely Kugler completed 2 years novitiate at Blyenbeck (1886-1887) (no reason to believe it was reduced to 1 year), was not required to complete the juniorate; completed 2-3 years philosophy at Exaeten (likely 2 years) (a deemed reliable source states he studied philosophy 1888-1890); was not required to complete the regency; completed 4 years theology at Ditton Hall (= 4 years per Canon Law) (a deemed reliable source states he studied theology 1890-1894); and in 1896 completed a tertianship (1 year?) at Wijnandsrade. Within his Jesuit training Kugler obtained a Doctor of Philosophy degree (likely for theology). (See: Who's Who in Germany (1906).) In 1895 he was teaching mathematics at Valkenburg klooster. Also, ú.v. 2 February 1897-15 March 1926.
Kugler had some training in cuneiform philology and also training in astronomy (positional/spherical astronomy) relevant to the astronomical calculations he undertook. (Kugler's earliest opportunity to study positional astronomy was likely at Exaeten, from Epping. Is so, this may not have been sufficient for the skills he was to later display.) Kugler trained for his task involving astronomy and cuneiform philology; likely the years 1895-1897 (1896 tertianship excluded). Likely the year 1897 was important for his self-learning efforts in positional astronomy and Assyrian/Akkadian. (He perhaps even went to Germany.) Through mostly his own efforts he learned enough to read Assyrian astronomical texts. For Kugler to master the Akkadian/Assyrian language - largely through his own self-study - would not have been easy at a period when cuneiform languages were not yet sufficiently known. Spherical astronomy or positional astronomy is the branch of astronomy that is used to determine the location of objects on the celestial sphere, as seen at a particular date, time, and location on the Earth. It relies on the mathematical methods of spherical geometry and the measurements of astrometry. All the thousands of astronomical positions were calculated by hand. Effectively, Kugler was a professional Jesuit astronomer and assyriologist. The combination of astronomer and assyriologist was (and remains) rare.
By the time Kugler came to study astronomical cuneiform tablets he had spent some 30 years of his life (nearly half of it) being educated/trained (elementary education, secondary education, university education, and Jesuit formation).
Summary of Kugler's Jesuit Formation
Stage of Jesuit Training
|Novitiate. (Indicated as 2 years.)||At Blyenbeck, Limburg Province, south Holland.||2-year novitiate (1886-1887).|
|Juniorate.||NA.||Indicated as not done - not required to complete.|
|Philosophate. (Indicated as 2-3 years.)||At Exaeten, Limburg Province, south Holland.||2-3 years philosophy (likely 2 years) (a deemed reliable source states he studied philosophy 1888-1890).|
|Regency.||NA.||Indicated as not done - not required to complete. (Only one source (not deemed reliable) states that Kugler taught ancient history at Exaeten (= Regency).)|
|Theologate. (Indicated as 4 years.)||At Ditton-Hall in England.||4 years theology (1890-1894).|
|Tertiate. (= Third Probation) (Indicated as 6 months to 1 year.)||At Wijnandsrade, Limburg Province, south Holland.||3rd probation (tertiate) done in 1896. But one source indicates: Deemed to be done whilst travelling? Jesuit provincial records show for 1897: "In Variis Stationibus Degentes" (Living in various stations).|
Kugler may have completed his Regency
Kugler's teaching assignment at Valkenburg college, 1894/1895, and his engagement in pastoral work/ministry, all after completion of the novitiate and the long philosophical and theological studies and then his tertiate, may have comprised his Regency.
Kugler's opportunity for interaction with Epping and Strassmaier
Kugler's opportunity for interaction with Epping (but not with Strassmaier) occurred during Kugler's his philosophical studies at Exaeten.
Kugler's interest in the work of Epping and Strassmaier occurred at least at Exaeten. Epping was undoubtedly one of Kugler's instructors at Exaeten. In this limited sense Kugler was a pupil of Epping. (At this time Kugler was likely a highly competent mathematician already.) The Jesuits held that mathematics was related to philosophy. (The Jesuits prioritized the study of philosophy and reasoning, which was the beginning point for astronomy and mathematical studies.) Mathematics was generally taught in the second or third year of the philosophical studies. Astronomy was considered an important part of mathematics. Astronomy studies included considerable emphasis on spherical astronomy.
Kugler entered the Novitiate at Blyenbeck in 1886. It is indicated that at this time Jesuit Formation required 2 years Novitiate at Blyenbeck. Epping had been transferred from Blyenbeck to Exaeten in 1881?/1882? but likely 1885?/1886?. Strassmaier had left Blyenbeck and returned to London in 1883 (not 1884 as commonly but mistakenly stated). From 1886 to 1894 Exaeten accommodated the Philosophy students. Kugler completed his 3 years of Philosophy studies at Exaeten circa 1888-1890(1889?). (He does not appear to have done a Juniorate of 1-2 years. It is indicated that at this time Jesuit Formation required a 1 year Juniorate at Exaeten.) During this period Epping was resident at Exaeten. (There is no evidence that Strassmaier visited Exaeten.) Kugler then moved on to Ditton Hall for his Theology studies. This perhaps gave Kugler an opportunity to meet Strassmaier in London or if Strassmaier visited Ditton Hall. There is no evidence that Kugler, whilst in England during his Jesuit training, met Strassmaier. (Note: Strassmaier, while at Blyenbeck, may possibly have visited Epping at Exaeten in 1882, 1883, and 1884; if Epping had transferred circa 1881/1882. However, Epping's transfer date seems established as 1885/1886.)
At this time Epping was an established mathematician and astronomer. Strassmaier was still establishing his credentials as a competent pioneer in understanding cuneiform languages, and as an expert copyist. Both Epping and Strassmaier established their reputations as pioneer assyriologists with their 1889 publication Astronomisches aus Babylon. Kugler was likely still at Exaeten when this small book was published. Undoubtedly this publication consolidated his interest in cuneiform astronomy. It was perhaps at Exaeten that Kugler, still completing Jesuit training, began his involvement in Near East studies.
Publications on Babylonian astronomy were published whilst Kugler was studying at Exaeten:
Epping, Joseph. (1881). "Zur Entzifferung der astronomischen Tafeln der Chaldäer." [= "The decipherment of the astronomical tablets of the Chaldeans."] (Stimmen aus Maria Laach, Band 21, Number 8, September, Pages 277–292). [Note: With an introduction by Johann Strassmaier. The modest article explained the difficulties experienced and their first results.]
Epping, Joseph. (1889). "Aus einem Briefe des Herrn Professor J. Epping an J. N. Strassmaier." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Band 4, Pages 76-82, and also Pages 162-171).
Epping, Joseph. and Strassmaier, Johann. (1889). Astronomisches aus Babylon, oder das Wissen der Chaldäer über den gestirnten Himmel. (Egänzungshefte zu den "Stimmen aus Maria Laach" 44; Freiburg im Breisgau).
Epping, Joseph. (1890). "Die babylonische Berechnung des Neumondes." [= "The Babylonian Calculation of the New Moon."] (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 39, Heft 3, September, Pages 225-240). [Note: Supplementing studies in Astronomisches aus Babylon.]
Epping, Joseph. (1890). "Sachliche Erklärung des Tablets No. 400 der Cambyses-Inschriften." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Band 5, Pages 281-288).
Epping, Joseph, and Strassmaier, Johann. (1890). "Neue babylonische Planeten-Tafeln I." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Band 5, Pages 341-366).
Kugler may also have met Strassmaier whilst in England circa 1890-1893 to study theology at Ditton Hall, and later during one of his 'tablet collation' visits to the British Museum.
English census records and Kugler
Kugler did his theology studies at Ditton Hall in England. Rather enigmatically (due to a scanning error? or Census Taker errors?) a web accessible Ancestory.com record states (across 2 web returns for the census record): (1) 1871[?!] England Census. Name: Franc Kugler; Birth: about 1863 - Bavaria; Residence: 1891 - Ditton, Ditton, Lanchashire (sic), England. (2) 1871[?!] England Census. Taken night of Sunday, April 5th/6th, 1881[?!]. Name: Franc Kugler [Note: The poorly written 'z' for Franz Diebels is taken as a 'c'.]; Profession or occupation: Student of Divinity; Total persons [at Ditton Hall]: 75; Age last birthday: 28 [Note: The age alone - in relation to a census date of 1881 - makes it difficult to be Franz Xaver Kugler.]; Where born: Bavaria.
Part 8: Kugler's Training In Cuneiform Philology, Practical Astronomy
The origin of Kugler's interest in Babylonian astronomy
Kugler's interest in astronomical cuneiform texts began in Exaten, due to Epping. "Father Kugler realized the importance and interest of the field they [Strassmaier and Epping] had opened up and he had already formed the plan of carrying on their work. To this end he took up the study of Assyriology. As he [Kugler] said himself he sought to combine in one head the necessary linguistic as well as mathematical and astronomical knowledge since the astral religion, astronomy and chronology of the Babylonians form one whole." See: "Francis X. Kugler, S.J." by Henry Brock S.J. (Bulletin of the American Association of Jesuit Scientists (Eastern Section), Volume VII, Number 2, (no date but circa 1929/1930), Pages 17-19; Page 18).
Kugler's intense interest was aroused during the period of his Jesuit training (philosophy, late 1880s) that he spent at Exaten College in Holland where Epping was, before Kugler going to Ditton Hall to study theology. It appears that while he was training at Exaeten that Kugler was introduced by Epping to the very new field of Babylonian astronomy and the many unresolved questions associated with it. This was the impetus for his resolve to continue Epping and Strassmaier's pioneering work. One source simply states that Kugler was stimulated to begin his own studies by the research findings of Epping and Strassmaier explained in their various articles in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach.
Kugler was greatly impressed by the astronomical tables which were constructed by the "astronomer-priests" of Babylonia and wrote (draft translation): "One does not know which to admire the more, the extraordinary accuracy of the periods which is implied by the drawing up of each of the columns of figures or the ingenuity with which these old masters contrived to combine all the factors to be considered."
Sorting out Kugler's movements and his assignment to take over Epping's studies
One source states: "Nach Vollendung des Noviziats und der langen philosophischen und theologischen Studien war Kugler eine Zeitlang in der Schule und in der Seelsorge tätig. Im Jahre 1897 wurde er nach Valkenburg berufen und ihm der Nachlaß des P. Epping, des Begründers der astronomischen Erforschung der Keiltexte zur Verfügung gestelit." Draft translation: "After completion of the novitiate and the long philosophical and theological studies Kugler was for a time in school [= teaching assignment at Valkenburg college 1894/1895] and working in the care of souls [= engaged in pastoral work/ministry]. In 1897 he was appointed to Valkenburg and he was given access to the estate of P. Epping [the written estate of P. Epping was put at his disposal], the founder of the astronomical research of key texts."
Hence we get the chronological sense: Assigned to Valkenburg Klooster for academic year beginning 1895. Tertiate at Wijnandsrade during 1896. "In Variis Stationibus Degentes" (Living in various stations) given for 1896/1897 is indicated to have included pastoral work. Assignment to Valkenburg college in 1897. This may have been the year in which he began engagement in Assyrian and astronomical studies. Responsibility for continuing Epping's studies passed from Hontheim to Kugler in 1897/1898. One source states that in 1897 the Order superior (= Provincial Superior Paul Hoffaus (Upper German Provincial)?/Superior General of the Jesuits Luis Martin?) entrusted Kugler to take charge of Strassmaier's material and continue Epping's work. It is indicated that Kugler did not arrive at Valkenburg until (academic year of ?) 1897. Engagement in Assyrian and astronomical studies?
Details of his time at Valkenburg college during 1894/1895 would be useful. Details of his pastoral work circa 1896/1897 would also be useful.
Kugler's training in cuneiform philology
The work of Epping was successfully continued by Kugler. Kugler obviously learned sufficient Assyrian before working on DBM in 1898. Part of this was preparation for being given authority to be the successor to Epping's work. It is also indicated that Kugler again attended formal studies in the early 1900's in preparation for working on SSB. It is indicated that Kugler's knowledge of Assyrian/cuneiform was both self-taught and formal. It is indicated his formal studies were of short duration - 6 to 12 months. For these it appears he attended the Heidelberg Universität. (Carl Bezold's Seminar there.) From circa 1897 Kugler was versed in Assyrian, and a practical astronomer. Practical astronomical work requires, to a large extent, the evaluation of mathematical formulae by numerical calculation. For this reason, astronomy was ranked as a subfield of mathematics until well into the 19th century.
I presently have not been able to locate any detailed information on Kugler's training as a cuneiformist. The questions are: "When?", "Where?", "Under whom?", and "How long for?". However, a little is known from Kugler's obituary by Michael Esch, and also Kugler's biographical entry by Volk in Neue Deutsche Biographie, but the exact dates remain vague. (Volk may simply have taken his information from Esch.) It is also vaguely possible to divide such into two periods. Initially, it would appear that prior to his work on DBM (published 1900) Kugler was involved in several years of self-training to learn cuneiform script. This period of study was certainly undertaken when Kugler circa 1895 indicated his interest in taking up, and continuing, Epping's studies on cuneiform astronomy. Strassmaier's illness of 1897 would also have been an impetus for such. After some years of self-training Kugler also "formally" studied cuneiform philology in Heidelberg. It appears that Kugler took/attended semi-formal classes in cuneiform philology at Heidelberg. It would appear that this period of study in Heidelberg was post DBM (published 1900) and pre SSB1 (published 1907). (It was not between 1895 and 1900.) This period of study of cuneiform script was certainly undertaken with the completion of SSB in mind. His probable goal was to become more proficient in transcription and translation. The duration of the study period in Heidelberg cannot be determined. (The material in the Jesuit archives indicates a matter of days but it is not known how reliable this residual evidence is.) In all likelihood it was of short duration - no more than from perhaps several weeks to perhaps several months duration at longest. There is no indication that between 1900 and 1907 Kugler had extended leave from Valkenburg. (Note: The Dutch astronomer and historian Teije de Jong has accessed the Archiv der Deutschen Provinz der Jesuiten and established that in 1903 Kugler briefly attended some lectures at Heidelberg University during the summer semester.) Interestingly, in London the Society for Biblical Archaeology held classes ("Archaic Classes") to train students in Egyptology and Oriental Archaeology, began in 1875. It is not indicated that Kugler attended any of these classes. Any "classes" would have been as a private student of Strassmaier. It is not indicated that Kugler had any cuneiform training under Strassmaier.
Note: It is obvious that the archive material surviving for Kugler is incomplete and not able to give a suitable understanding of issues. His training in cuneiform philology is one example. Much material was likely lost during the course of WWII. (In April 1942 the Jesuits of Valkenburg were forced by the SS to return immediately to their home country without their possessions. Though Kugler had been dead since 1927 this event may still have an an effect on relevant material able to survive. Though the library was eventually sealed to protect its contents nothing relating to unpublished Kugler material is indicated as stored there.)
Stephen Langdon wrote in his obituary letter (Letters to the Editor, The
(London) Times, 27 December 1929, Page 6) that Kugler learned enough
Assyrian to read the astronomical parts of omen-related documents from the
early period of Babylonian and Assyrian history [i.e., circa 1500 BCE to
circa 500 BCE]. Kugler, of course could read cuneiform documents from the
later Seleucid and Arsacid periods. A classic example is the so-called Venus
tablet of Ammizaduqa, which is an omen-related document. The Venus tablet was
serialized within celestial omen tablets although its content is (almost) purely
astronomical. The same for EAE 14 which deals with the variation of the length
of time of the visibility of the moon.
Esch (Kugler obituary) states (in effect) that Kugler, after some amount of self-training, (formally?) studied cuneiform philology at Heidelberg (but gives no details). The studies at Heidelberg were post DBM (1900) and pre SSB 1 (1907). The short period of study at Heidelberg was perhaps undertaken with the completion of SS in mind. (It also appears that it presented an opportunity to help mend his working relationship with Franz Boll.) The entry by Volk in the Neue Deutsche Biographie (1982) also mentions Kugler's additional studies at Heidelberg (but likely this information would be taken from Esch.
It was largely through his own efforts that Kugler mastered the principles of positional astronomy and the difficulties associated with understanding cuneiform texts. Mostly through his own efforts Kugler learned enough Assyrian to read astronomical texts. However, he frequently made mistakes. Kugler's strong reputation for understanding Babylonian astronomical texts was established through his numerous papers published in a number of specialised academic journals as well as a succession of books. However, in 1897, Kugler had very little knowledge of cuneiform script and the Akkadian language.
Conjecture: Kugler's working knowledge of Akkadian/Assyrian was obviously gained before he worked on DBM. They involved self-study. His further cuneiform studies were academic and likely connected with the University of Heidelberg. It seems obvious that that were begun before/during commencement of SSB. This is not indicated in the records for Valkenburg Klooster.
Kugler had little/limited formal training in cuneiform philology. Kugler did not have anyone near to him who could instruct him in cuneiform philology. This required him to be essentially self-taught. A detailed source I deem reliable states that when Kugler was sent to scholasticate in Valkenburg he was enabled to study ancient Assyrian, for training to continue investigations into Babylonian scientific astronomy that had been previously undertaken by Epping and Strassmaier. Kugler largely mastered by his own efforts the principles of spherical astronomy and the difficulties of reading cuneiform.
In the last years of the 19th-century Kugler made the decision to devote his life work to investigating Babylonian astronomy, while at the same time teaching mathematics (and at times astronomy) in Ignatius College at Valkenburg. Also in the last years of the 19th-century, with equal force and ability, he mastered both the astronomical and the philological and literary issues of Assyriology. By the end of 1899 he had completed his masterful DBM. However, he also went to Heidelberg to spend some time learning cuneiform. In the early 1900s Kugler would visit the British Museum to read the original cuneiform texts (mostly collation).
No doubt the reason that Kugler formally studied cuneiform philology in Heidelberg was apparently to ensure he could deal with the type of texts that Strassmaier was supplying to him and would continue to supply to him. It appears that Strassmaier eventually supplied about 300 astronomical cuneiform texts to Kugler (one source suggests approximately 240 texts). These texts formed the core of Kugler's DBM (1900) and 2 volume SSB (1907-1924).
I have not been able to establish who Kugler studied cuneiform philology under in Heidelberg (and for how long). (I have misplaced a reference for such.) There is no basis now for speculating that Kugler likely "formally" learnt cuneiform philology from the German Assyriologist Carl Bezold, at the University of Heidelberg. From 1888 to 1894 Carl Bezold resided in London and worked at the British Museum. (Kugler was at Ditton-Hall up to 1893 and his interest in Babylonian cuneiform texts would appear to have been established by then. From 1894 onwards Bezold was Professor of Semitic Philology and Director of Oriental Seminars at Heidelberg University. It would appear that Kugler's limited formal? Heidelberg studies were post DBM (1900) and pre SSB1 (1907). With the projected volumes of SSB in mind it may well be that Kugler's intention was to actually be involved in translation and not simply limited to working from transcriptions. (He was apparently involved with translation by the time of SSB1; especially with his reading of the Venus tablets. There is no basis now for supposing Kugler spent an extended period in Heidelberg. Also, no gap appears in his Valkenburg appointment as Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy.
Otto Volk in his entry on Kugler in NDB writes: "Auftrag des Ordens studierte K. Assyriologie an der Univ. Heidelberg, um die astronomisches Forschungen Joseph Eppings fortzusetzen." My draft translation: In order for Kugler to continue the astronomical researches of Joseph Epping the [Jesuit] order assigned Kugler to study assyriology at the University of Heidelberg. This indicates that the evidence found by the Dutch astronomer and historian Teije de Jong is likely not a true indication of the time that Kugler spent studying assyriology (= cuneiform philology) at the University of Heidelberg. Unfortunately, Volk does not give a source and does not give dates.
It is certain that Kugler studied Assyrian cuneiform script, at least informally and perhaps also formally. It is not indicated that Kugler studied Babylonian cuneiform script. Cuneiform script is a system of writing ultimately derived from the pictographic script developed by the Sumerians in southern Mesopotamia (Uruk) circa 3300 BCE. It was adopted and adapted by the Akkadians, a Semitic people originally located in the city-state of Akkad in Mesopotamia. Akkadian was a Semitic language spoken in Mesopotamia and was named after the Mesopotamian city-state of Akkad. The Akkadian cuneiform script was adapted from Sumerian cuneiform circa 2350 BCE. At the same time, many Sumerian words were borrowed into Akkadian, and Sumerian logograms were given both Sumerian and Akkadian readings. Usually between 200 and 400 symbols were used to write Akkadian. During the 2nd millennium BCE the Akkadian language developed into 2 variants, Assyrian in Assyria and Babylonian in Babylon. There were originally about 2000 signs created by the Sumerians. Through simplification and conventionalization the number of signs was eventually reduced to about 800. The Babylonians used only about 570 signs but fewer still with any regularity. However, this reduction led to ambiguity or polyphony of many signs.
Some assistance was also given by the staff at the British Museum, and undoubtedly by Strassmaier. In his Vorwort to SSB1 1907, Kugler acknowledges assistance with collation of texts by the Assyrian Department of the British Museum under Budge. It appears this also extended to assistance with the transcriptions of texts. Also, Kugler acknowledges uncertainties and errors with his SSB publications. (Mainly based on his knowledge of cuneiform philology.)
Note: The Dutch astronomer and historian Teije de Jong has accessed the Archiv der Deutschen Provinz der Jesuiten. (My 2 attempts over the past 10 years to make contact with the Archiv der Deutschen Provinz der Jesuiten were unsuccessful for reasons unknown. My emails were ignored.) Kugler only very briefly attended (later) lectures in cuneiform philology. In 1903 Kugler briefly attended some lectures at Heidelberg University during the summer semester. These included short lectures by Carl Bezold and a lecture by Carl Becker. The Bezold lectures attended by Kugler were at least: Assyrian paleography (1 hour); Continuation of Arabic (2 hours); Interpretation of the prism inscription of Esarhaddon (2 hours). The Becker lecture attended by Kugler at least: Syriac (2 hours). See: de Jong, Teije. (2014). "Babylonian Astronomy 1880 - 1950: The Players and the Field." In: Proust, Christine. and Steele, John. (Editors). Otto Neugebauer Memorial Volume. (2016.) It appears the summer semester was from March 1st to August 31st with classes being held from mid-April to mid-July. Carl Heinrich Becker PhD was an expert in Syriac. It it surprising that Kugler had very little formal training/lectures on Assyrian philology. (But it is reasonably established that prior to taking over Epping's studies Kugler completed studies in Assyrian.) Kugler's brief attendance at some lectures at Heidelberg University during the summer semester can perhaps be seen in terms of a 'professional development' activity. More likely perhaps, Kugler travelled the 330 kilometres from Valkenburg to Heidelberg (effectively a day's journey by train) and the 330 kilometres back (effectively another day's journey by train) to meet particular people and discuss particular matters. Perhaps mending a strained relationship with Bezold.
Gaps in knowledge yet to be suitably filled in: (1) Kugler's cuneiform education prior to his DBM (1900). Likely self-learning (but more formal studies are indicated). (2) Kugler's post 1900 Heidelberg studies in cuneiform philology before starting his SSB. Indicated as under Carl Bezold. (3) Kugler's visits to the British Museum between circa 1900 and 1914, and collation and transcription assistance. Indicated that texts and transcription/translation assistance was given. A possible source of information might be the letters that Giovanni Schiaparelli received from Kugler. These are held in the Schiaparelli archives at the University of Milan (Università degli Studi di Milano).
As of 19 February 2018: Source states: "... als Professor der Höheren Mathematik und Astronomie. Hier erhielt er den Auftrag zur Fortsetzung des Werkes von J. Epping „Astronomisches aus Babylon oder das Wissen der Chaldäer über den gestirnten Himmel“ (1889) ...." [Draft translation = "... as professor of higher mathematics and astronomy. Here he was commissioned to continue the work of J. Epping "Astronomical from Babylon or the knowledge of the Chaldeans on the starry sky" (1889) ...."] In the entry on Kugler in the Große Bayerische Biographische Enzyklopädie edited by Hans-Michael Körner (2005, Page 1111) it is stated: "Im Auftrag des Ordens studierte K[ugler]. Assyriologie an der Univ. Heidelberg, um die astronomischen Forschungen Joseph Eppings fortzusetzen." [Draft translation: On behalf of the Order K[ugler]. studied Assyriology at the Univ. Heidelberg, to continue the astronomical research of Joseph Epping.] From 1897 Kugler worked as a professor of higher mathematics (and also astronomy when Esch was absent) at Ignatiuskolleg, Valkenburg. It was when he was formally established at Valkenburg that he was (formally) commissioned (assigned) to continue the work of Joseph Epping (published in Astronomisches aus Babylon (1889). To make chronological sense of several short fractured statements from different sources: Kugler likely studied cuneiform philology at the University of Heidelberg for the academic year 1896/1897 (= up to 1 year of studies). He then took up his position as Professor of Higher Mathematics at Ignatiuskolleg, Valkenburg. His commission to continue the studies of Epping only came after (and was likely dependent upon) his completion of Assyrian language studies (Assyrian cuneiform script) at the University of Heidelberg. Most likely this was under Carl Bezold who was appointed to the chair for Semitic languages at University of Heidelberg in 1894. In 1894 Hontheim was formally commissioned to continue Epping's researches. In 1898 Hontheim was formally discharged from his studies of astronomical cuneiform texts. Kugler was then formally commissioned to take over and continue Epping's researches. Kugler's expressed interest in cuneiform decipherment and the fact that he was a formidable mathematician meant that he could not be overlooked. His appointment a Professor of Higher Mathematics was connected with his commission to continue Epping's studies. He only had to teach for 1 hour each week and so was freed to devote maximum time each week to the decipherment of astronomical cuneiform texts. It is also worth noting that at least one source states that Kugler received (excellent) formal training in astronomy. Perhaps this was also done at University of Heidelberg during the academic year 1896/1897.
Note: Kugler, when in Heidelberg, almost certainly had accommodation provided by the Jesuit College/Seminary in Heidelberg. This was located close to the University of Heidelberg.
Kugler's knowledge of cuneiform philology
"Almost everything we know with certainty about Babylonian astronomy is due to the Jesuit, Father Kugler, who alone has had the patience to make the complicated calculations necessary to understand tablets where little or nothing more than tables of figures are presented, and his Sternkunde is the mine all must work. This was in itself a life task, and we must not blame him if he did not learn more cuneiform, if he was more interested in the signs as a sort of A, B, C, x, y, z, needed for his calculations, while not attempting to understand what was actually in the minds of these ancient scholars, and was content to present the raw material, leaving others to the history of the subject." (See: "Babylonian Astronomy - Historical Sketch [Part I]." by A. T. Olmstead in The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Volume 55, Number 2, April, 1938, Page 113-129, Page 114.)
Included in his 1st supplement of SSB was a Glossar. [Glossary] (Pages 266-280). It comprised an explanation of astronomy-related terms newly introduced, uncommon, or specialised.
Aspects of necessary calculations
The letter mentions some of the computation issues needing to be dealt with by Bartel van der Waerden in his investigations into Babylonian constellations and star names. Earlier, Kugler had the same issues when making his investigations into aspects of Babylonian astronomy. Source: Letters. Sky and Telescope, Volume X, Number 3, January, 1951, Pages 54, 57.
Kugler's astronomy/mathematics training
Langdon remarked on "Kugler's fine astronomical training." (Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts, Volume II, 1923.) I know of no other source indicating that Kugler had some 'formal' training in (positional) astronomy. It is usually considered that Kugler largely mastered by his own efforts the principles of spherical astronomy.
However, Kugler was at Exaeten 1888-1890. Epping was at Exaeten since 1886. During this period Epping published 3 papers and 1 book on Babylonian mathematical and Strassmaier published 2 of Epping’s studies outlined to Strassmaier in detailed lengthy letters. Previously at Blyenbeck, Epping had published his first ground-breaking essay on Babylonian mathematical astronomy. After 1890 Epping published a further 4 articles on Babylonian mathematical astronomy. For his 2 years at Exaeten, Kugler was advantageously placed to become familiar with Epping choosing positional astronomy procedures to investigate and decipher cuneiform texts.
It is indicated that Kugler had further astronomy training prior to 1900, in the several years he made preparations to take up the assignment to continue Epping's researches in to Babylonian mathematical astronomy. Where he received this training, who from, and for how long is not known.
Perhaps worth noting is the German Jesuit Adolf Mueller (1853-1939) entered the Society of Jesus at Exaten and later made special studies in astronomy at Kalocza (Hungary), Berlin (Germany), and Stonyhurst (England). His tertianship was made at Portico. Stonyhurst College is a coeducational Roman Catholic independent school, adhering to the Jesuit tradition. It is located near Preston in Lancashire. In 1809 Thomas Weld (a former student, educated by the Jesuits at St. Omer's) gifted the Jesuits with his estate (Old Manor/buildings and some property) at Stonyhurst.
Note: One of several astronomical-mathematical works published by John Hagen (Austrian Jesuit priest and astronomer) was Synopsis der höheren Mathematik [Synopsis of Higher Marhematics]. 4 volumes, Berlin: F. L. Dames.Vol. 1: Arithmetische und algebraische Analyse. 1891.Vol. 2: Geometrie der algebraischen Gebilde. 1894.Vol. 3: Differential- und Integralrechnung. 1905.Vol. 4: Differentialgeometrie der Ebene und des Raumes. 1930. Likely the first 3 volumes were a major guiding reference for Kugler.
A brief book review by J. W. L. Glaisher, of Volume 1, "J. Hagen's
Synopsis of Higher Mathematics", appeared in Nature Volume 50, Pages121–122,
"Abstract THE author's object has been to give a bird's-eye view, or synopsis, of the whole range of higher mathematics; and this handsome volume of 398 pages is a first instalment. The work is not intended as a treatise, or to be merely a book of reference to which the mathematician may turn for his formulæ. It has a much more ambitious scope, and aims at presenting a general view of all branches of mathematics, methodically arranged and separated into a great number of sections, each of which contains a notice of the history of the subject to which it relates, followed by a series of numbered paragraphs giving the principal formulæ, with full references to the books and writings from which they are taken, and to which the reader must have recourse for further information."
For an excellent, more detailed, book review of Volume 1 of Synopsis der Höheren Mathematik (Erster Band: Arithmetische und algebraische Analyse), see: "Hagen's Synopsis of Higher Mathematics" by the German mathematician William Benjamin Smith in Annals of Mathematics, Volume 7, Number 1/5, 1892-1893, Pages 84-87. At time of publication Johann G. von Hagen was Director der Sternwarte des Georgetown College, Washington, D.C. The Ester Band was published in Berlin by Felix L. Dames, 1891. Hagen's Synopsis ranks as a valued work of reference.
A hardcover reprint of Volume 1 appeared May, 2018. Several other reprints had previously appeared.
It is likely that spherical trigonometry, calculus, linear algebra comprised core topics in the higher mathematics taught by Kugler.
Beginning circa 1850/1860, Professor Eduard Heis (1806-1877) lectured on astronomy and mathematics at Academy of Münster. Later, the University of Bonn held lectures on mathematics and physics.
Part 9: Professional History
Franz Kugler had met Joseph Epping at Exaeten, but not Johann Strassmaier. The statement by one source that Kugler held a teaching position there (in Oriental history) from circa 1886 can be discounted. (Kugler holding a teaching position in Oriental History at Exaeten whilst involved with Philosophical studies is most improbable.) Kugler may have met Strassmaier whilst in England to study at Ditton-Hall, a Jesuit theological college. (At present I have only identified 1 source stating that Kugler taught and wrote on ancient Oriental history at Exaeten (Netherlands), where he met Joseph Epping and Johann Strassmaier and was introduced to their pioneering work on Babylonian astronomy. The statement that Kugler taught ancient Oriental history at Exaeten may likely be mistaken. There is no reason to believe that Kugler met Strassmaier at Exaeten.) After the death of Joseph Epping in 1894 Kugler expressed his interest in taking over and continuing Epping's work. In 1897 the Jesuit Order assigned Kugler to continue Epping’s studies. This is what Kugler wanted to do and it would appear he had requested such.
Kugler spent most of his life within the walls of Jesuit training institutions, namely the Theologate at Valkenburg. Here he taught higher mathematics (and on occasions astronomy) to fellow Jesuits. His investigations into Babylonian astronomy (based on his reading Assyrian (and later) Sumerian tablets) was obviously given equal importance. There is reason to believe that, like Epping, his teaching duties were reduced to allow him to concentrate on writing and research. It would appear that Kugler had a reduced teaching load, exemption from a number of other duties, and was able to focus his attention on his cuneiform studies.
Note: Construction of the College Maximum was begun in 1893 and most was completed in 1895. The building was able to be occupied. A library extension was added in 1911. In 1942 the Jesuits were evicted by the German occupiers. From 1942 until 1944 the building was used by the Germans as an elite school for Dutch boys. In 1944 American army forces liberated south Holland. The German Jesuits never used the building again even though it had been built to last for centuries. The address was Jezuieten College (or variation), Kloosterweg 34 (but actually 34-36), Valkenburg ad [aan de] Gaul.
Kugler's appointment as Professor of Higher Mathematics at Valkenburg College (after his ordination) coincided with his commission/brief to continue Epping's studies. Basically Kugler took up the interrupted work of Joseph Epping (died 1894 before he could revise some errors in his Astronomy from Babylon); and Johann Strassmaier (who fell seriously ill in 1897 and never resumed his copying work at the British Museum).
The in-depth and important investigations of Kugler into Babylonian and Assyrian astronomy were based on the preliminary work of Epping and Jensen. The well educated Kugler (he had a PhD in Chemistry, was an expert mathematician, had completed his Jesuit formation, had training in positional astronomy and Assyrian philology) received Strassmaier's material that Epping had not studied. He worked with 'observation' texts (which were sometimes calculated results when bad weather) and calculation texts (ephemerides).
By extensive studies based on drawings supplied by Johann Strassmaier, Kugler (1900, 1907, 1909-1924, 1913-1914) built up a detailed picture of Babylonian mathematical astronomy. (Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1907 through to 1924 was based on Strassmaier's autographs.) The astronomical cuneiform tablets initially dealt with by Kugler were primarily mathematical in content and different from the type of 'descriptive' astronomical cuneiform tablets examined and discussed earlier by Archibald Sayce, Peter Jensen, etc. (In his writings on Babylonian astronomy Jensen never attempted to analyse the mathematical cuneiform texts.)
Within several years of taking up Epping's work Kugler published his Die Babylonische Mondrechnung in 1900. In 1907 he began to issue his monumental work, Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. Further volumes and supplements appeared irregularly till 1924. Joseph Epping's work was revised by Kugler who showed that the details of the Babylonian theory of the moon and planets may be constructed from the foundation established by Epping. Kugler's monumental work on the Babylonian theory of the moon appeared in 1900 (Die Babylonische Mondrechnung) and that of the planets in 1907 (Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Volume 1). Volume 2 and supplements of SSB basically contain essays on a variety of topics relating to Babylonian astronomy. He was brilliant at decoding Babylonian mathematical astronomical texts. The great bulk of Kugler's work on the rediscovery of Babylonian mathematical astronomy was almost exclusively based on the copies of astronomical texts in the British Museum that were made by the pioneer assyriologist and prolific copyist Johann Strassmaier SJ. World War 1 and the hardships it imposed on the Valkenburg klooster (reliant for its finances on German funds) seems to have effectively ended his studies on Babylonian astronomy and thereafter he focused his attention on chronological matters (but produced only 2 volumes/supplements).
Stephen Langdon wrote in his obituary letter (Letters to the Editor, The (London) Times, 27 December 1929, Page 6): "I cannot refrain from expressing my personal regret that Father Kugler, who held a unique position among modern scholars, was not retained by his order in this country [England]." Whether Kugler ever thought about this matter is unknowable. Kugler was a highly capable mathematician, a highly capable positional astronomer, and a good (competent) assyriologist. It was probably decided that Kugler could do the most good ay Valkenburg in teaching Jesuits in training.
Franz Kugler's depth of knowledge
Kugler's profound depth of knowledge can be gauged from the following example: "... in spite of a continuous tradition from Eratosthenes to Cardanus [Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576), Italian polymath], it had been forgotten that the temperament of a star was determined by its colour. Father Kugler alone of modern writers showed in a passing comment that he was aware of this fact." ("Ancient Observations of Coloured Stars." by J[ohn]. K[night]. Fotheringham, The Observatory, Volume 43, Number 552, May 1920, Pages 191-192, Page 191.)
Aerial area photograph of Jesuit Klooster, Valkenburg, 1930. Source: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ignatiuskolleg_(Valkenburg). It is unfortunate there is a lengthy scratch down the right side of the photograph. The chapel is the defining structure of the klooster.
Kugler spent most of his life within the walls of Jesuit training institutions teaching higher mathematics (and also at times astronomy) to fellow Jesuits. As a supposed secondary interest he laboured diligently at interpreting astronomical cuneiform texts from the drawings (initially) supplied to him by Johann Strassmaier. Kugler had learned enough cuneiform to read Assyrian texts. "Though a member of the faculty at Valkenburg until his death, Father Kugler apparently did not do much teaching, at least in his later years, but gave his time to special study and writing." See: "Francis X. Kugler, S.J." by Henry Brock S.J. (Bulletin of the American Association of Jesuit Scientists (Eastern Section), Volume VII, Number 2, (no date but circa 1929/1930), Pages 17-19; Page 19). He taught a short weekly session on higher mathematics at Valkenburg klooster. This session was scheduled for 1 hour. This obviously recognised the need for ensuring the availability of sufficient time for his work to recover Babylonian astronomy.
One of several astronomical-mathematical works published by John Hagen (Austrian Jesuit priest and astronomer) was Synopsis der höheren Mathematik [Synopsis of Higher Mathematics]. 4 volumes, Berlin: F. L. Dames.Vol. 1: Arithmetische und algebraische Analyse. 1891.Vol. 2: Geometrie der algebraischen Gebilde. 1894.Vol. 3: Differential- und Integralrechnung. 1905.Vol. 4: Differentialgeometrie der Ebene und des Raumes. 1930. Likely the first 3 volumes were a major guiding reference for Kugler.
There are some apparent contradictions between (1) Jesuit provincial records, and (2) Ignatius College, Valkenburg records.
(The Records of Valkenburg College have Kugler there in 1894. Some other biographical sources do not - they have him there several years later (1897). Kugler was at Valkenburg klooster in 1895 but not 1896 and 1897. (Once again biographical records for Epping, Strassmaier, and Kugler are in disagreement regarding dates.) Valkenburg records should be the most reliable.) It is generally accepted as likely that Kugler was at Valkenburg in 1894 to teach the philosophy students mathematics and astronomy (both core subjects for the philosophy students). In 1894, before building was complete, it was put into use. On September 22, 1894 the school year for the Philosophy students began with 82 students. According to some sources, Kugler was at Valkenburg from (2nd February or appointed Professor of Higher Mathematics then?) 1894 to 25th March 1926. For 1894/5 Kugler was Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy (or at least for 1895). He was absent for the years 1896 and 1897. It is commonly stated that for 1897/8 Kugler was Professor of Mathematics. However, apart from 1895 he is not listed again as a Professor of Mathematics until 1899. So, Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy in 1895/1895(6?) is at least partially correct. Professor of Mathematics in 1897/1898 and the following years until 1906/1907 is partially incorrect. Then, Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy in 1907/1908 and the following years until 1918/1919. It is stated that Kugler did not lecture in the 2 years 1895/96 and 1896/97 (?). This is partially correct but extends to 1898. (It would appear that whenever Esch left Valkenburg to lecture at other Jesuit colleges in Limburg then Kugler would lecture in astronomy at Valkenburg. As example: Esch returned to Valkenburg in 1917 (1918?) and presumably took over Kugler's lectures in astronomy soon after.) The academic year "x/y" would denote the period from "summer x" to "summer y" as is usual in Europe. However, in Holland a fiscal year is reckoned from 1st January to 31st December. Note: In addition to being the director (from 1905 to 1938) of the Jesuit observatory at Ignatiuskolleg, Valkenburg, Michael Esch also taught mathematics and physics at the Jesuit school in the nearby town of Sittard.
The 2 academic years (1895/1896 and 1896/1897) during which Kugler is recorded as not lecturing at Valkenburg klooster pose the issue of where he was located.. It is certain he did not remain resident at Valkenburg klooster for these terms. In 1896 he was elsewhere, at Wijnandsrade. It is presently not established where he was in 1897 (Germany?). Epping had died in 1894 so Kugler could not have been a student of Epping for any of this time. There is no evidence that he was a student of Strassmaier in London for any of this time. There is no record of Strassmaier being at Exaeten at any time; and there is no record of Strassmaier being at Valkenburg at any time.
Kugler's Movements Leading to Appointment at Ignatius College, Valkenburg, and Early Years at Ignatius College Valkenburg (1) Jesuit Provincial Records (Catalogus Sociorum Et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu)
|Fiscal Year (The fiscal year is a consecutive 12-month period that may or may not be the same as a calendar year.)||Location||Activity Descriptor(s)|
|1894||Ditton Hall||Final (4th) year of theology studies (for at least part of 1894) (By the end of 1894, Kugler had moved to Valkenburg klooster and begun to lecture in mathematics and astronomy for the (first) academic year 1894/1895) (Note: Catalogus for 1893 lists Kugler as Anno tertio at Collegium Ditton-Hall.)|
|1895||Valkenburg||Lecturer in mathematics and astronomy ("Lect. math. inf., super. et astron. fund.") according to the Catalogus. (Perhaps 1894/1895 is his Regency?)|
|1896||Wijnandsrade||Tertiate (The Catalogus listing for the mathematics and astronomy lecturer at Valkenburg klooster is "P. Joannes Bapt. Springer, Lect. math. et astron. fund., Cat FF.") According to Valkenburg College records per 25 Jahre Ignatiuskolleg Valkenburg, 1894-1919 (1919) there are 2 years (1895/1896 & 1896/1897) during which Kugler did not lecture at Valkenburg.|
|1897||Unknown. "In Variis Stationibus Degentes" = Living in various stations.||Unknown (Germany?) (The Catalogus listing for the mathematics and astronomy lecturer at Valkenburg klooster is "P. Joannes Bapt. Springer, Submin., Lect. math. et astron. fund., Cat FF.") There is nothing to suggest that Kugler was ever a student of Strassmaier in London. Valkenburg College records per 25 Jahre Ignatiuskolleg Valkenburg, 1894-1919 (1919) lists Kugler as Professor of Mathematics for 1897/1898 and the following years until 1906/1907.|
|1898||Valkenburg||Script., Oper. (Not yet listed as lecturer in mathematics and/or astronomy.) (The listing for the mathematics lecturer at Valkenburg klooster is "P. Joannes Bapt. Springer, Submin., Lect. math. infer. et super., Cat FF." The listing for the astronomy lecturer is "Josephus Hisgen [note: he was not a priest], Lect. astron. fund., Dir. spec. astron., Script." In 1895 Hisgen is listed as "Doc. math., physic., hist. nat., an I mag." at Fieldkirch College in Austria. In 1896 Hisgen was listed as "ibid., Stud. astron. (Georgetown College, W. Washington, D.C., U.S. of America).")|
|1899||Valkenburg||Lecturer in mathematics ("Lect. math. inf. et sup., Script.") (The listing for the astronomy lecturer is "Michael Esch [note: he was not a priest until sometime between 1900 and 1903], Lect. astron. fund., Dir. spec. astron., Script." Esch entered the Jesuit order on 7 April 1891. In 1896 he was still a Philosophate student. In 1897 Esch was listed as "ibid., Schol. (Georgetown College, W. Washington, D.C., U.S. of America.)") In 1898 Esch was listed as "ibid., Schol., Adj. dir. spec. astron. (Georgetown College, W. Washington, D.C., U.S. of America.)" The "Gradus" for Esch is given as 2 February 1904)|
|1900||Valkenburg||Lecturer in mathematics ("Lect. math. info. et sup., Script.") (The listing for the astronomy lecturer is "Michael Esch, Lect. astron. fund., Dir. spec. astron.") Note: According to Valkenburg College records per 25 Jahre Ignatiuskolleg Valkenburg, 1894-1919 (1919) in the years 1907/1908 Kugler again lectured in both mathematics and astronomy. Esch had left Valkenburg and returned in 1917.|
Note: The (annual) Jesuit Provincial Records from 1894 to 1908 do not always match the Valkenburg College records per 25 Jahre Ignatiuskolleg Valkenburg, 1894-1919. (1919). There is no listing for Valkenburg College in the Catalogus for 1894. It is obvious that some biographical sources for Kugler are most likely erroneous. Aside from the records of Valkenburg college, I cannot recall any biographical entry having Kugler there as early as 1894. Nearly all biographical entries have Kugler ordained in 1893 and then in 1897 appointed to Valkenburg college as Professor of Higher Mathematics. The Valkenburg college records show that Kugler was Professor of Mathematics from 1897/1898 to 1906/1907. The 3-4 year gap from 1893 to 1897 is usually never explained by biographical entries. The Valkenburg college records show that Kugler was Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy for the academic year 1894/1895. The New Catholic Encyclopedia (first edition 1967) has Kugler ordained in 1893 then teaching and writing on ancient oriental history at Exaeten before his appointment to Valkenbury in 1897 to teach mathematics. However, Kugler did not complete his theological studies until sometime in 1894, before the start of the 1894/1895 academic year at Valkenburg. Kugler had minimal opportunity for teaching and writing on ancient Oriental history at Exaten For Kugler to complete a 1-year Regency in 1897 - after his Theologate and Tertiate - would be most unusual. In the Jesuit Catalogus for 1897, Kugler is not listed at Exaeten. (The author of the New Catholic Encyclopedia entry seems unaware that Kugler was teaching at Valkenburg for 1894/1895. It is difficult not to believe that Kugler went from completion of his theological studies in 1894 at Ditton-Hall directly to Valkenburg for lecturing in mathematics and astronomy there for the 1894/1895 academic year. (Ignatius-Kolleg at Valkenburg became the major Jesuit theological faculty when Ditton-Hall closed in 1895.) The issue of Kugler's background to teach and write on ancient Oriental history remains unanswered. He certainly had no formal university training for such. If Kugler was at Exaten after 22 August 1894 he obviously could not have met Epping (again) then (Epping died on 22 August 1894) and neither would he have met Strassmaier (who was ending his 2nd period of copying tablets in the British Museum (i.e., 1884 to 1897).
Extract from: Catalogus Sociorum et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu, Ineunte Anno MDCCCXCIV (1894, Page 24). For Collegium Ditton-Hall, Kugler is listed as being in the final year of his theological studies.
Extract from: Catalogus Sociorum Et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu (1895, Page 36).
Extract from: Catalogus Sociorum Et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu (1896, Page 42).
Extract from: Catalogus Sociorum Et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu (1897, Page 48). "In Variis Stationibus Degentes" = Living in various stations.
Extract from: Catalogus Sociorum Et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu (1898, Page 33).
Extract from: Catalogus Sociorum Et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu (1899, Page 36).
Kugler's Appointment at Ignatius Colleg, Valkenburg, and Early Years at Ignatius College Valkenburg (2) Valkenburg College Records
|Academic Year||Activity Descriptor(s) / Title||Students||Research|
|Academic year: 1894/1895||Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy||No philosophate students indicated||None indicated (For part of 1894 at least Kugler was at Ditton-Hall completing the 4th and final year of his theological studies) ("Recolunt Theol. Comp.")|
|Academic year: 1895/1895(6?).||Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy?||No philosophate students indicated||None indicated|
|1895/1896||Did not lecture||Assyrian and astronomy studies?|
|1896/1897 (?).||Did not lecture||Assyrian and astronomy studies?|
|1897/1898||Professor of Higher Mathematics (Note: The term higher mathematics as a description of what Kugler taught appears in secondary sources but not in the Catalogus)||Philosophate?||DBM studies|
|1897/1898 and the following years until 1906/1907||Professor of Higher Mathematics||Philosophate?||DBM studies until completion in 1899|
|1906/1907||Undetermined? (Did not lecture?) (Note: The Catalogus for 1906 and the Catalogus for 1907 both list Kugler as "Lect. math., Script.")||Undetermined? (Perhaps requiring clarification whether he lectured or not)|
|1907/1908 and the following years until 1918/1919||Professor of (Higher) Mathematics and sometimes also Astronomy (Starting 1907/1908 Kugler was Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy) (Esch returned to Valkenburg in 1917 and it is assumed he took over Kugler's lectures in Astronomy. P. Joannes Bapt. Springer was not longer at Valkenburg after 1898.)||Philosophate?||SSB studies (all parts of I. Buch completed by 1914)|
Note: Kugler was assigned to Valkenburg College in 1894 but did not officially begin any teaching duties with students until the academic year 1907/1908. The academic year x/y can be understood as the period from 'summer x' to 'summer y' as is usual in Europe. In the Netherlands a fiscal year is reckoned from 1 January to 31 December. (In England the fiscal year runs from 5 April to 4 April next year; originally, before the Gregorian Reform, it ran from 25 March (Lady Day) to 24 March. In Australia the academic year runs from January to December (summer to summer). The financial year runs from 1 July to 30 June.
|The subject matter of Kugler's focus during his career at Valkenburg (Kugler's studies dealt with both astronomical and religious context)|
|Approximate Year(s)||Main Topic(s)|
|circa 1897-1899||Babylonian lunar theory|
|circa 1900-1905||Babel-Bibel (Delitzsch), Panbabylonism (Winckler-Jeremias)|
|circa 1905-1907||Babylonian planetary theory|
|circa 1907-1914||Babylonian uranography, and also aspects of Sternreligion (and Astral/Star Lore)|
|circa 1914-1924||Biblical chronology, Babylonian chronology, and also aspects of Sternreligion (and Astral/Star Lore). Note: Kugler continued to investigate astronomical and astrological texts as is evident by their inclusion SSB2.2.2. His chronological; investigations involved astronomical investigations.|
|circa 1924-1926/1927||Greek astral mythology (but mistaking myth for reality)|
Note: The above is approximate and dependent on publications. Kugler was investigating Babylonian planetary theory for Jupiter as early as 1900.
Some miscellaneous comments on Kugler's movements and teaching appointments
Identifying Kugler's movements and teaching appointments can be challenging. Though appointed to Valkenburg in 1894 Kugler does not seem to have begun student lecturing until the academic year 1897/1898, and prior to this was absent for several years. In 1897 the Jesuit records have "Unknown. "In Variis Stationibus Degentes"" [= Living in various stations]. In 1897 Strassmaier returned to Germany (likely Heidelberg) for his urgent operation for his kidneys. Perhaps Kugler visited Strassmaier in Germany and elsewhere. (Nothing indicated he previously visited Strassmaier in London.) After his operation Strassmaier recuperated for some 10 months before returning to London. From 1897/1898 onwards, Kugler lectured in mathematics and does not appear to have missed a year (excepting for 1906/1907) at least until 1919 (when ready access to records ceases). However, in 1903 we know that Kugler was in Heidelberg briefly attended some lectures at Heidelberg University during the summer semester. In the early 1900s Kugler would visit the British Museum on several occasions for collation. From 1907/1908 onwards, Kugler also lectured in astronomy as the astronomer Michael Esch had been sent to lecture elsewhere in Limburg.
The Catalogus Sociorum et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu, Ineunte Anno MCMIII (1903, Page 39) lists Kugler as lecturing in mathematics at Valkenburg. Also, under "Gradus" it gives the date 2 February 1897. The Catalogus Sociorum et Officiorum Dispersae Provinciae Germaniae Societatis Jesu, Ineunte Anno MCMVI (1906, Page 34) lists Kugler as lecturing in mathematics ("Lect. math., Script.") at Valkenburg.
Kugler during the academic year 1906/1907 is indicated as a discussion point. It is indicated by one source that Kugler did not lecture during 1906/1907. Kugler's SSB 1, a treatise on Babylonian planetary theory, was published in 1907. Kugler may have used 1906/1907 to concentrate uninterrupted on completing it. In his forward to SSB 1, Kugler identifies himself at Valkenburg. Also, Kugler published 2 articles in 1907. It appears rather difficult to identify him as being on the move and away from Valkenburg. However, he may have been at the Jesuit residence at Aachen. It is tempting to speculate that Kugler during some part of 1906/1907 was perhaps looking (in England/London) for an additional level of assistance regarding clarification of Strassmaier's tablet drawings. John Pollen, in his obituary of Strassmaier (The Month, 1920, Page 144), wrote: "He [Kugler] had, however, to regret that the declining health of Father Strassmaier prevented him from obtaining from the British Museum those revisions of damaged, difficult or doubtful readings, which had given such a charm of novelty and linguistic fidelity to Father Epping's studies." It is apparent that Kugler was frustrated that he did not have the same level of follow-up assistance with cuneiform texts (primarily collation) that Strassmaier was able to give to Epping.
The claim that Kugler taught at Exaeten
The claim that Kugler taught and wrote on ancient Oriental history while at Exaeten appears mistaken. There is no evidence that Kugler held even a short teaching position at Exaeten. At Exaeten, Kugler was engaged in his philosophical studies (from 1888 to 1890). However, Kugler at least acquired an interest in the ancient Near East and cuneiform astronomy whilst at Exaeten.
It is obvious that some biographical sources for Kugler are most likely erroneous. The Valkenburg college records show that Kugler was Professor of Mathematics from 1897/1898 to 1906/1907. The Valkenburg college records also show that Kugler was Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy for the academic year 1894/1895. The New Catholic Encyclopedia (first edition 1967) has Kugler ordained in 1893 then teaching and writing on ancient oriental history at Exaeten before his appointment to Valkenburg in 1897 to teach mathematics. However, Kugler did not complete his theological studies until sometime in 1894, before the start of the 1894/1895 academic year at Valkenburg. Kugler had minimal opportunity for teaching and writing on ancient Oriental history at Exaten For Kugler to complete a 1-year Regency in 1897 - after his Theologate and Tertiate - would be most unusual. In the Jesuit Catalogus for 1897, Kugler is not listed at Exaeten. (The author of the New Catholic Encyclopedia entry seems unaware that Kugler was teaching at Valkenburg for 1894/1895. It is difficult not to believe that Kugler went from completion of his theological studies in 1894 at Ditton-Hall directly to Valkenburg for lecturing in mathematics and astronomy there for the 1894/1895 academic year. (Ignatius-Kolleg at Valkenburg became the major Jesuit theological faculty when Ditton-Hall closed in 1895.) The issue of Kugler's background to teach and write on ancient Oriental history remains unanswered. He certainly had no formal university training for such. If at Exaten after 1894 he obviously could not have met Epping (who died in 1894) and neither would he have met Strassmaier (who was ending his 2nd period of copying tablets in the British Museum (i.e., 1884 to 1897).
The New Catholic Encyclopedia (first edition 1967) would seem referring to Kugler's Philosophate studies (indicated as 2-3 years, likely 2 years) at Exaeten - a deemed reliable source states he studied philosophy there 1888-1890. A possible teaching interruption to his Philosophate at Exaeten may have been deemed his Regency. However, no source explicitly states that Kugler completed Regency as part of his Jesuit formation. If done, the Regency could only have been for 1 year. Unfortunately, I am presently unable to establish matters with certainty.
Part 11: Kugler's Use Of Strassmaier's Drawings
Neither Epping nor Kugler rushed the opportunity for involvement in understanding the astronomical cuneiform texts yet each was more than intellectually adequate for the task. Epping had the assistance of Hontheim and Lorenz. Kugler, for the most part, worked in scholarly isolation.
When Joseph Epping died in 1894 the mathematician Franz Kugler (who held a teaching position at the Jesuit College at Valkenburg from 1897) made the decision some years later to continue Epping's work. (It is indicated by one source that in 1897 Kugler began giving (serious) attention to Epping's work and results.) Asger Aaboe remarked: "Kugler addressed his task with rare vigour and imagination." Kugler studied philosophy at Exaeten (as part of his scholastic training) before going to Ditton-Hall to study theology). Kugler would have been at Exaeten during the period circa 1887-1890 so would have met Epping. When Kugler received a professor's position at Ignatius College in Valkenburg he must have had easy access to Epping's written estate. Kugler studied at Exaeten starting in 1886, and would have met Epping there.
Whether Strassmaier had a role in Kugler being assigned to continue where Epping and Hontheim had left off is unknown.
The exact details of how Kugler took up Epping's work are not understood in detail. (Also, originally it was Hontheim who, for several years, took up Epping's work. Kugler then took over Epping's work from Hontheim and obtained the copies of Strassmaier's drawings that Strassmaier had made for Epping and sent to such. These probably came through Hontheim. It is clearly stated by one source that Epping's written estate was passed to Kugler in 1897 but then erroneously states that this was after Kugler was appointed to Valkenburg college. The correct scenario is indicated as Epping's estate was made available to Kugler when Kugler was at some stage in his preparation to take over Epping's studies on Babylonian astronomy, and before Kugler was officially appointed to a teaching position at Valkenburg college. There is little indication that Strassmaier directly sent copies of mathematical astronomical texts to Kugler. However, it is clear that this was done. It appears that the results of Hontheim's brief researches were not published by him. In his DBM Kugler certainly acknowledges some benefit from them.) There is no reason to believe that Kugler was requested by Strassmaier to do such. (However, it would appear that Epping's role as astronomer was not replaced at Exaeten. The teaching function for such appears to have shifted to Valkenburg with its establishment in 1894. In effect, Kugler replaced Epping's role as Professor of Mathematics (and sometimes Astronomy).
Kugler obviously met Epping at Exaeten (but not Strassmaier, who was never at Exaeten) when Kugler was a philosophy student there from 1888 to 1890. (One source mistakenly states that Kugler held a teaching position there in Oriental history. Kugler was simply a philosophy student. The date of 1886 for him at Exaeten is also mistaken. In 1886 he entered the Novitiate at Blyenbeek.) From 1890 Kugler went to finish his Jesuit training at the theologate at Ditton-Hall, and was there until 1894. (Kugler may also have met Strassmaier whilst in England to study at Ditton Hall, a Jesuit theological college from 1872 until its closure in 1895. (The Jesuits left in mid August 1895.) Kugler obtained the copies of drawings that Strassmaier had sent to Epping. Strassmaier also sent copies of astronomical texts to Kugler (as Strassmaier had likewise done for Epping).
One source states that in 1897 the Order superior (= Provincial Superior Paul Hoffaus (Upper German Provincial)?/Superior General of the Jesuits Luis Martin?) entrusted Kugler to take charge of Strassmaier's material and continue Epping's work. Extracted from Kugler's "Vorbemerkungen" (Preliminary remarks) in DBM (1900): Shortly after Eppings death Joseph Hontheim was instructed to continue the study of Babylonian astronomy. Because of his prior assistance to Epping, and his knowledge of cuneiform, Hontheim was judged the most suitable person to continue Epping's studies. [Obviously, it was not until 1895, when Hontheim was at Valkenburg Klooster, that he was able to start his astronomical studies.] However, this was in addition to his usual teaching requirements. In the time he found to pursue the study of Babylonian astronomy he did make some progress. He also first spent time to undertake the necessary studies of (positional) astronomy and cuneiform languages (Assyrian, perhaps Akkadian). Hontheim then made a survey of the astronomical material (Strassmaier's drawings) that he would be dealing with, and then proceeded to examine in detail the different types. He made some new progress and discoveries with late astronomical material that Epping had not dealt with. However, once he had become familiar with the task, his increasing workload, and lack of time, caused him to cease further studies with the astronomical material. [This likely occurred sometime in late 1896.] It led to several years of delay. It was not until the end of 1897 that it became possible to arrange for the resumption of investigations into Babylonian mathematical astronomy. This [apparently] was due to the requests of colleagues of Epping at Exaeten. In 1897/1898, Kugler took over the continuation of Epping's studies from Hontheim.
Kugler's early focus (pre World War I) was Seleucid texts dealing with mathematical astronomy. Later (post World War I) Kugler focused on calendars and chronology (primarily of the Seleucid era). However, Kugler also extended his investigations to astronomical texts preceding the Seleucid era (by several centuries).
The foundations for the understanding of Babylonian planetary texts was due to Kugler and Pannekoek. Later contributions were made by Schnabel and van der Waerden
Apparent confusion regarding authorship of Die babylonische Mondrechnung
Source: The Jesuits (1534-1921), Volume 2, Page 845. The book Die babylonische Mondrechnung is attributed to Epping. However, it was written by Kugler and based on his investigations, and extends Epping's earlier work. The book author seems a little confused with his wording.
Strassmaier's copies of tablets and Kugler's pioneering work
Kugler extensively studied Strassmaier's drawings of astronomical texts.
Strassmaier's transcriptions prepared for Epping were passed to Kugler. In the year 1897 Kugler was given an academic posting at Valkenburg Jesuit college. According to at least one source it was then that the Nachlaß (Nachlass = written estate; the collection of manuscripts, notes, correspondence, and so on left behind when a scholar dies), of Epping, the founder of the study of cuneiform astronomical texts, was put at his disposal. At first, Kugler also worked in collaboration with Strassmaier, just as Epping had done. (Strassmaier found that coping with the after effects of his operation quite demanding)
Kugler's outstanding results repeatedly bore testimony to the immense patience and skill of Strassmaier in reading and interpreting the signs appearing on tablets. For most of his work Kugler was making transliterations, transcriptions ands translations from Strassmaier's drawings. Mistakes in Kugler's transliterations were usually due to mistakes in Strassmaier's readings. Manually drawing autographs of cuneiform tablets is a tedious, time consuming, process requiring continual direct access to the tablets. It is also error-prone, and highly subjective process. Both the advantage and disadvantage of the autograph method is it records the copyists' interpretation of difficult to read signs. The autograph provides the copyists' interpretation of what signs are on a tablet.
In Kugler's monumental work on the Babylonian theory of the moon (1900) and of the planets (1907), many of Strassmaier's larger copies of tablets formed the basis for the plates and transcriptions. Still mostly based on autographs by Strassmaier, Kugler, after Epping's work, successfully decoded an increasing number of observational and computational texts (DBM 1900; SSB1 1907). Note: Decoding is a misnomer. Decoding is not really a suitable term for decipherment. Cuneiform writing is a writing system, not an intention (as code = disguise) to disguise a written message.)
After Strassmaier's illness Kugler's source of copies of astronomical tablets, held at the British Museum did not end. Strassmaier continued to give Kugler continuing, but limited assistance. It would appear, however, that Kugler was also receiving assistance with texts, and the translation of such, from the Assyrian Department of the British Museum. Kugler also visited the British Museum at least twice, presumably to clarify issues concerning the reading of texts. As this could have been done by mail perhaps Kugler's main purpose was collation.
In his "forward" to SSB 1 Kugler informs his readers that the purely astronomical and chronological investigations set out in his book rely mainly on the previously unpublished cuneiform inscriptions that had been copied by Strassmaier during his years of work at the British Museum, and are now being made available for the first time. Kugler also informs his readers that for purposes of comparison independent transcriptions of these astronomical and chronological cuneiform texts were courteously made available to him by the administration of the Assyrian Department of the British Museum (under the direction of Budge?). Kugler further praises Strassmaier as a successful Assyriologist for his ability to produce excellent copies of the astronomical texts of the Arsacid period.
How many sources did Kugler progressively have for drawings of cuneiform texts? Kugler originally obtained copies of cuneiform texts that Strassmaier had prepared for Epping. Instructions were given for Kugler to collect Epping's estate. (L .M. writing 1900: "Le P. Fr.-X. Kugler a été appelé à recueillir sa succession et il vient de donner cette année, avec le concours du P. Strassmaier, la continuation du travail commencé par le P. Epping, dans son Babylonische Mondrechnung.") This would involve the transfer of Epping's material to Kugler at Valkenburg. (Hontheim's place in obtaining material from Epping's estate is unknown/not explained.) There is no suggestion that Kugler visited Exaeten to obtain documents. The date the transfer was undertaken is not identified. See the (French-language) book review (of DBM) by L. M. in Revue des Questions Historiques, Nouvelle Série, Tome XXIV, 1900, Page 630. These were passed to him (possibly through Hontheim) after Epping's death in 1894, and after Hontheim had relinquished his role in continuing Epping's studies. Strassmaier, on return from to London in 1898 from his emergency operation in Germany, supplied some additional drawings and assistance to Kugler. The manner and time frame by which Strassmaier passed his astronomical drawings - or at least a number of them - to Kugler is unknown. (However, Neugebauer and Sachs were later to identify astronomical drawings in Strassmaier's notebooks that apparently were not passed to Kugler at any stage (or if they were not utilised by Kugler, at least in any of his published works.) Kugler's 1900 book is essentially a revision and expansion of Epping's 1889 book. Also, like Epping's book, it is entirely based on Strassmaier's drawings. However, by 1898 Kugler had access to more astronomical drawings than did Epping. These drawing most probably came from Strassmaier.
At the time of writing his book DBM (1900) Kugler had use of more extensive Babylonian cuneiform texts originating from the British Museum than Strassmaier had been able to make available to Epping when he wrote AaB (1889).
Strassmaier's illness affected the assistance he gave to Kugler. It seems obvious that not all of Strassmaier's 240 drawings of late Babylonian astronomical tablets were passed by Strassmaier to Kugler. (Drawing numbers differ between authors.) The term "late Babylonian astronomical texts" is used to refer to the period circa 750 BCE to circa 100 CE. With Strassmaier's death in 1920 it was arranged by Deimel for his drawings to be passed to Rome. It appears they were never accessed by Kugler such as Schaumberger was later to do. (As a matter of interest, the earliest affinity between Deimel and Kugler is the fact that they both were amongst the few early German critics of Panbabylonism. Carl Bezold and Hugo Gressmann (neither a Jesuit) were the others. Deimel's critique appeared in his book, Pantheon Babylonicum (1914).) In the Preface to his book Pantheon Babylonicum (1914), Anton Deimel acknowledges the work of Strassmaier. In the body of the work Deimel makes frequent use of Kugler on astronomical identifications of Babylonian gods/goddesses. In addition to pages 35-39 the entries contain criticisms of Panbabylonism.
In all, it appears Kugler received approximately 300 drawings from Strassmaier. Kugler had enough material for 2 volumes and 2 ergan. in 6 parts, between 1907 and 1924 (and further material left-over for Schaumberger).
Kugler's use of Strassmaier's copies
Kugler added his notes in thick blue pencil, some corrections and remarks in ink. Note: Making a complete list of texts that Kugler (may have) acquired after Strassmaier ceased copying is difficult/not possible.
It would appear that for his SSB volumes Kugler was making his own transliterations of Strassmaier's copies of texts.
Strassmaier's texts published by Kugler
Many of the larger sheets (of copies of larger tablets/fragments) that Strassmaier made in the 1870's, 1880's, and 1890's formed the basis for the plates and transcriptions in Kugler's DBM (1900), and SSB (1907-1924). The copies published had been subject to numerous collations by Strassmaier, and then later by Kugler during his visits to the British Museum.
Kugler and Strassmaier's death
After Strassmaier's death Kugler's source of copies of astronomical tablets, held in the British Museum, was not ended. From the beginning of the difficulties created by Strassmaier's illness in 1897 Kugler was also receiving assistance with texts and their translation from the Assyrian Department of the British Museum. However, Kugler was still mostly relying on Strassmaier's drawing up to the time of SSB 1.
Kugler's visits to the British Museum
In his 1911 English-language article Kugler mentions his visits to the British Museum (past and intended). No other details are given. I presume they continued up to the start of WWI. (The Kingdom of the Netherlands was neutral during World War I.) These visits were likely to be for (1) tablet collation, and (2) tablet search (for new and additional astronomical fragments). But from circa 1900 access to unregistered tablets in the British Museum was restricted. It would be interesting to have details of how Kugler proceeded with this limitation. It is indicated by Budge and Langdon that Kugler was welcomed and assisted.
Kugler's visits to the British Museum to access cuneiform tablets would be subject to British Museum rules. Details (i.e., collation) and dates of Kugler's visits now appear to be lost.
Part 12: Kugler And Strassmaier
By the time that Kugler had been assigned (in 1897) to continue the study of cuneiform astronomy Strassmaier had become seriously ill.
Kugler regretted that Strassmaier's declining health prevented him from obtaining from the British Museum the revisions of damaged, difficult or doubtful readings such that Strassmaier had done for Epping. Kugler simply did not have the same level of follow-up assistance with readings of texts that Strassmaier was able to give to Epping. Kugler appears to have mostly received - initially at least - the copies of drawings that Strassmaier had sent to Epping. However, there is some indication that Kugler received some drawings and occasionally revised readings of some tablets from Strassmaier. Strassmaier did not continue with copying of (full) tablets after his operation in 1897. At best he occasionally visited the British Museum to re-read (re-check) some particular tablets (and obtain some additional information). There is no indication that Strassmaier's copying rate was declining prior to 1897.
Kugler was making transliterations/transcriptions from Strassmaier's drawings. Mistakes in Kugler's transliterations/transcriptions were usually due to mistakes in Strassmaier's readings (i.e., his interpretation of the cuneiform signs/words on a tablet). This appears to be the case for DBM. For SSB 1.1 (1907) it appears the original deciphering was the work of Strassmaier; but the texts had been collated again. For SSB 1.1 it appears that Kugler was travelling to the British Museum to make his own collations.
During the course of progressively writing his SSB Kugler directly sought the assistance of the British Museum and also visited such on several occasions regarding clarification of tablet readings (and Strassmaier's tablet drawings). Kugler was undoubtedly looking in England/London for that additional level of assistance with clarification of tablet readings. He at least had the assistance of Stephen Langdon.
The History and Practice of Ancient Astronomy states (probably following Neugebauer) that the work of Strassmaier, Epping and Kugler was based on the tablets in the collection of the British Museum. "Strassmaier continued sending material to Epping and after Epping’s death, to Kugler. Kugler's work opened the way to understanding the remarkable achievement of the Babylonian astronomers. A second wave of scholars carried the investigation forward in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, notably Schaumberger and Neugebauer." Neugebauer, in his A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy, Plate 3, gives one of Strassmaier's copies of cuneiform texts redrawn for the use of Epping and with later notes (in an old fashioned shorthand "Gabelsberger") by Kugler. One note reads "… und für P. Epping kopiert 1/3/93."
The fact that Kugler and Strassmaier were not on very good terms likely originated in the limited assistance that Strassmaier eventually gave (= was able to give) to Kugler. Also, Strassmaier likely started to assist Kugler in the same way he had assisted Epping - including detailed comments. Strassmaier repeated the process of providing grammatical notes and transliterations. But within the scope of Strassmaier's assistance there were problems created with accuracy of autographs and delays with collations. Also, Kugler though many of Strassmaier's comments irrelevant or of little assistance in understanding the texts. Strassmaier's initial advice of text would have comprised tentative readings. Early, Kugler was working with texts that mostly contained copious numbers. Accuracy of autographs and collations were Kugler's main concern. Circa 1900 the working relationship between Strassmaier and Kugler had slowed for several years almost. See: de Jong, Teije. "Babylonian Astronomy 1880 - 1950: The Players and the Field." In: Jones, Alexander., Proust, Christine., and Steele, John. (Editors). A Mathematician’s Journeys: Otto Neugebauer and Modern Transformations of Ancient Science [= Otto Neugebauer Memorial Volume] (2016, Pages 265-302).
When Kugler later turned his attention to issues of Seleucid period chronology he used Seleucid period astronomical tablets copied by Strassmaier. Styrassmaier also made translations of Arsaciden texts. Kugler repeatedly corrects Strassmaier's copies and decipherment. As the usual Seleucid script of the astronomical tablets is minute and cramped the extraordinary skill of Strassmaier in copying and deciphering these tablets needs to be recognised. From circa 1910 Kugler had to visit the British Museum to collate Strassmaier's drawings. I do not know when Kugler received Strassmaier's Seleucid period material and first began working with them. The end result was (1) Von Moses bis Paulus; Forschungen zur Geschichte Israels. Nach biblischen und profangeschichtlichen, insbesondere neuen keilinschriftlichen Quellen by Franz Xaver Kugler S. J. (Münster in Westfalen, Aschendorffsche[n] Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1922); and Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1924). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. II. Buch: Natur, Mythus und Geschichte als Grundlagen babylonischer Zeitordnung, nebst eingehenden Untersuchungen der älteren Sternkunde und Meteorologie, II. Teil. Heft II. (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung). Apart from the period of WWI, Kugler, from 1912 onward may have may have faced great restrictions (by the Jesuit Order) on his ability to travel, especially to the British Museum to do collations.
Kugler's treatment of, and expectations of, Strassmaier
Circa early 1901 Kugler apparently wrote several letters to Strassmaier asking for his help with a Jupiter text. Strassmaeir's apparently delayed reply to Kugler (by postcard dated 21 May 1901) explains, amongst other things, that it may not be possible to find other Jupiter fragments, and that finding any would not be easy (as Kugler seems to assume). See: de Jong, Teije. (2016). "Babylonian Astronomy 1880 - 1950: The Players and the Field." In: Jones, Alexander., Proust, Christine., and Steele, John. (Editors). A Mathematician's Journeys: Otto Neugebauer and Modern Transformations of Ancient Science. (Page 283). [Note: Otto Neugebauer Memorial Volume. The lengthy article by the Dutch astronomer and historian Teije de Jong is valuable for being partly based on information accessed in the Archiv der Deutschen Provinz der Jesuiten.]
Also, Strassmaier's delayed response to Kugler's request - and Strassmaier's comments that he was not aware that Kugler was working on Jupiter texts - does not indicate closeness of support between Strassmaier and Kugler at this time.
What is also interesting is that Kugler was requesting Strassmaier to look for Jupiter fragments. It has been commented that Strassmaier usually did not concern himself with copying/sending fragments of astronomical texts. This however is incorrect. From Strassmaier's reply it also appears he had not come across any fragments of planetary theory for Jupiter. What is also most interesting is that it is implied both by Kugler's request and Strassmaier's reply that Strassmaier could indeed identify texts and fragments for the planetary theory of Jupiter. I find this somewhat extraordinary.
Regarding fragments and joins: Strassmaier made few joins of fragmented tablets. However, he did make joins for both Epping and Kugler. Example: Strassmaier joined 8 different fragments belonging to the lunar ephemeris (New Moon tablet) number SH 81-7-6, 272 (272 (81-7-6)) for Kugler. Previously, Strassmaier had joined only 2 fragments belonging to 81-7-6 for Epping. When Kugler published DBM his analysis of the lunar ephemeris SH 81-7-6, 272 was based on 8 fragments joined by Strassmaier. (Strassmaier did the drawings and the transcription of the text.)
For the most part, Kugler simply received copies of drawings from Strassmaier's notebooks, with limited opportunity for collation. Strassmaier intially did some collation; Kugler in the early 1900s travelled to the British Museum to do collation, and other such as Stephen Langdon may have assisted with collation and provision of texts. However, after circa 1900 there was no unrestricted access to uncatalogued tablets held by the British Museum.
Kugler's episodes of annoyance with Strassmaier
For examples of Kugler's episodes of annoyance with Strassmaier see: de Jong, Teije. (2016). "Babylonian Astronomy 1880 - 1950: The Players and the Field." In: Jones, Alexander., Proust, Christine., and Steele, John. (Editors). A Mathematician's Journeys: Otto Neugebauer and Modern Transformations of Ancient Science. (Note: Otto Neugebauer Memorial Volume. The lengthy article by the Dutch astronomer and historian Teije de Jong is partly based on information accessed in the Archiv der Deutschen Provinz der Jesuiten. For some reason my emails to the Archivist - going back some 20 years - were never answered. One of my last request was sent in 2006.)
Kugler wanted collations and fragments to assist him in making accurate calculations (his main method of investigation). Strassmaier was not always able to oblige and tended to give philological assistance (not always accurate), which was not wanted by Kugler. Also, Strassmaier found it difficult to keep visiting the British Museum.
Part 13: Kugler's Visits To The British Museum
Kugler's visits to the British Museum
In his only English-language article ("Some new lights on Babylonian Astronomy." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie, Band 25, 1911, Pages 304-320) Kugler mentions his visits to the British Museum. (See page 320: "When next visiting the British Museum, I shall try to get full information on this point.") It would firmly appear that Kugler was an occasional visitor to London and the British Museum. This would be the result of Strassmaier's declining health since 1897 and consequently Strassmaier's limited ability to verify inscriptions, search for new fragments, and perhaps even copy existing drawings. On several occasions, basically between 1900 and 1910, after Strassmaier's work at the British Museum came to a premature end, Kugler occasionally visited (made several visits to) the British Museum to access the actual tablets he was engaged in decoding/deciphering. This would be for the purpose of collation. This is also indicated by A. T. Olmstead ("Cuneiform Texts and Hellenistic Chronology." (Classical Philology, Volume 32, Number 1, January, 1937, Pages 1-14; Page 10)): "As the usual Seleucid script of the astronomical tablets is minute and cramped, we should conjecture the error was made by the modern copyist; for with full recognition of the difficulty of such copying and of the extraordinary skill of Strassmaier in deciphering these tablets, Kugler himself repeatedly corrects Strassmaier's copies." Christopher Walker advised (personal communications, 2001) that because of a 'records pruning' exercise carried out by the British Museum (circa mid 20th-century?) it is now unlikely than any records of Kugler's visits to the British Museum will remain. Registers of students visits were kept - and are still kept - but do not go very far back in time. Walker advise that the correspondence volumes may now be the only source of information regarding Kugler.
Note: The Central Archive of the British Museum - located in the basement of the building - stores the administrative records of the British Museum dating back to its foundation. Information on the collection and how to make an appointment can be obtained by contacting the Archivist at email@example.com. Stephanie Alder is the current (2014) Archivist at for the British Museum. However, the Central Archive of the British Museum is an archive containing materials relating to the Museum as an institution and does not contain archives for each department's collection. The Central Archive actually exists in the labyrinthine maze of tunnels that make up the basement of the museum. It is comprised of a series of rooms. Amongst the archived materials are the minutes from Trustee meetings, day to day information on the staff, finance, exhibition and building records. Original papers and correspondence have been ordered and bound into huge volumes, designated by year. There are more than 5,000 photographs of Trustees and the buildings. The Central Archive hold staff records including a record of every employee, when they got a raise, and what their salary was. There are records of staff applications and references. There are photographs of exhibitions that document how the museum space was used. The Central Archive also has the records of the Reading Room. However, these records do not reflect the entire history of the reading room. The British Museum did not have an archivist until 1970; but did have record keepers. There is likely also the Keeper's Archive of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities. Presently, no details are known to me.
It would seem likely that details of who Kugler met and what he achieved in London and at the British Museum are now effectively lost. It is most likely that he visited Strassmaier (and also stayed at the Jesuit residence in Mount Street). It seems unlikely that Kugler continued to 'go through' Strassmaier to access the British Museum. It is indicated that Kugler had established the friendship and cooperation of Ernst Budge.
The duration of each of Kugler's visits to London and the British Museum is unknown and likely to remain so. However, it is doubtful whether Kugler would travel that distance for simply an overnight stay. It would seem likely that each of Kugler's trips comprised several weeks duration. Likely he also visited personal contacts, such as the assyriologist Stephen Langdon, as well as working through the Student Room of the British Museum.
It is not indicated that Kugler's early teaching absences from Valkenburg college were related to his visits to the British Museum. The records published by Valkenburg college show that from 1895 Kugler was only absent from Valkenburg during the 'academic' years 1895/1896 and 1896/1897. Kugler never appears to have missed a year from 1907/1908. From 1907/1908 onwards, Kugler also lectured on astronomy as the astronomer Michael Esch had been called to lecture elsewhere in Limburg province of south Holland.
Kugler's visits to the British Museum would presumably have been made during his holidays (probably during the summer recess).
Question: At what time did Strassmaier cease to make 2nd copies of his British Museum autographs for Kugler, as he had done for Epping? The copies that Epping received but had not worked on went to Kugler. Kugler's need for additional drawings was apparently imperfectly met by Strassmaier. At times what Kugler need was knowledge of small fragments. These had not originally been provided to Epping. The restrictions the British Museum later imposed on scholarly access to its tablets collection my not have been so strictly imposed on Kugler. Access restrictions were imposed circa 1900. Kugler was still visiting the British Museum circa 1910 and after. It appears much of this had to do with making collations. The same for Strassmaier. However, it appears there was a search for relevant fragments that was not impeded.
Kugler's use of photographs
The (French-language) book review (of DBM) by L. M. in Revue des Questions Historiques, Nouvelle Série, Tome XXIV, 1900, Page 630: "I had the pleasure of meeting him [Kugler] there [Valkenburg] in the spring of 1913. He showed me some of the inscriptions he was working on. They were photographic copies of cuneiform bricks in the British Museum. He doubtless found it necessary to consult the originals from time to time."
This is the only reference I have seen that states that Kugler was also working from photographs. (Note: One wonders whether photographs of autographs is meant. But this is unlikely.) Working from photographs would help explain Kugler's collations trips to the British Museum. Not identified is the arrangement by which they were provided to Kugler by the British Museum. Kugler never published any of the photographs he had. Details regarding the photographs are most likely not recoverable. But Donald MacBeth is likely the photographer. He was associated with the British Museum at least between 1906 and 1932.
Suitably photographing cuneiform tablets so they can be read can be very difficult. The recessed nature of the cuneiform writing makes taking a legible image very difficult. No matter the angle of the lighting, shadows persist in the image. Photographs make reading the tablet a challenge. Photographing cuneiform texts with sufficient quality to enable the photographs to be used to facilitate research expensive and time-consuming. Cuneiform texts were incised on damp clay tablets using a pointed tool. This method results in technical difficulties in photographing a 3-dimensional cuneiform tablet. A cuneiform tablet presents as many problems to a photographer as there are curves to its surface. The fact that cuneiform text is commonly applied over the whole surface of tablets makes photography unsuitable. The incisions of cuneiform signs prove difficult to capture entirely in 2-dimensional images. Several lighting angles are required to record the text on a surface adequately, and each tablet can have several surfaces with inscribed text. A single illumination might perfectly capture the features at one location on the surface, while leaving other details shadowed or without contrast (and therefore unidentifiable). The British photography pioneer William Talbot, an amateur scientist of the British upper class, wanted photographic images to decipher clay tablets bearing cuneiform script in the British Museum. When using photography to decipher some ancient inscriptions shortly before his death in 1877, William Talbot discovered the shortcomings of the medium and required additional drawings and lithographs.
The British Museum had no official photographer until 1927. On 5 November 1927 the British Museum appointed Donald Lyon as its first official photographer. In 1852, the British Museum began its somewhat brief association with Roger Fenton, a pioneer of photography. He was initially engaged to photograph cuneiform tablets, but he also photographed other antiquities. In 1859 Roger Fenton, due to the British Museum changing the working relationship, ceased his association with the British Museum. At least between 1906 and 1932, Donald Macbeth, seems to have held a quasi-official position as photographer at the British Museum. He regularly photographed the galleries, staff and the collection between at least 1906 and 1932. Senior Photographer Kevin Lovelock explains the process of producing an early photograph: "External photographers employed by the Museum before the 1920s would have objects delivered to the studio [the Photographic House built on the Museum's roof, in order to maximise light levels] and placed onto a table or open shelves. A plate camera was positioned and the lighting was adjusted by drawing or opening the blinds next to the glass roof and the photograph was taken. An assistant would take the glass plate to the darkroom. The resulting negative would be placed into a contact printing wooden frame and, using slow sensitised printing out paper it was taken outside onto the roof of the building to expose. Once it had achieved the desired degree of exposure it was brought back into the darkroom and developed, washed and fixed."
It is worth noting that photography was an expensive process – circa 1860 an annual outlay for paper, chemicals and other materials was estimated at between £40 and £50 (around £6,000 in 2017 prices). But if the process and printing was carried out at the South Kensington Museum (later the V&A), it was subsidised by the government. In 1904 the Trustees of the British Museum approved plans for a new Museum building to the north of the site (now known as the King Edward VII building), to be built by architect John Burnet. Burnet's plans included a new daylight studio with 4 adjacent darkrooms in the attic space. The new building opened in 1907 and the space was rented out to external photographers.
A procedure for drawing copies of tablets from photographs was developed by Dr Cornelia Wunsch. This was post Kugler. I have no knowledge of earlier procedures involved.
Part 14: Kugler's Investigative Method
Kugler's investigative method
Like Epping, Kugler undertook the laborious task of testing by mathematical calculation the Babylonian mathematical-astronomical tablets.
Both Epping and Kugler followed an inductive method and both demonstrated astute reasoning and judgment. Both Epping and Kugler relied on the astronomical analysis of the texts in order to 'decode' them. Both were prepared to do the laborious calculations and recalculations. Epping relied rather heavily on his calculations to derive meaning from the cuneiform material, rather than simply focusing on the translations of the textual parts provided by Strassmaier. Strassmaier only being able to provide translations (at times provisional and not wholly accurate) was not sufficient to understand the contents. Epping and also Kugler relied rather heavily on their respective astronomical calculations rather than decipherment of the texts in order to identify/establish their content. To help facilitate his astronomical analysis Kugler was concerned to obtain accurate texts through the process of (constant) collations. Unable to obtain the level of assistance from Strassmaier that he required he began visiting the British Museum himself in order to do collations.
In his DBM and SSB, Kugler often preserves many of the ingenious and involved methods by which he made his discoveries.
Neugebauer, discussing a particular method of calculation (SSB2, Page 606 f.) states: "The greatly increased textual sources at his disposal were subjected by Kugler to the same procedure which Epping had followed before." ("Solstices and Equinoxes in Babylonian Astronomy during the Seleucid Period." by Otto Neugebauer (Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Volume 2, Number 3, 1948, Pages 209-222; Page 221).)
Theoretically, the past position of a star can be calculated for any epoch if due allowance is made for the effect of precession and of the proper motion (if any) of the star. Hence, in theory, the times of the typical 'phases' in a star's course (i.e., the morning rising and evening setting) can be worked out for any given date and latitude. The calculations are long and laborious, even with the assistance of specially constructed tables, and a small error in any of the constants used makes a large difference in the results.
The American-born British assyriologist Stephen Langdon (1876-1937) wrote in his obituary letter (Letters to the Editor, The (London) Times, 27 December 1929, Page 6) that Kugler was a scholar of outstanding genius.
Kugler's summary explanation of how he worked to understand mathematical astronomical texts
Kugler provided a brief explanation of how he worked with astronomical mathematical texts. In ZA, Volume 15, Issue 1, 1900 Kugler wrote (brief draft translation): With grateful effort, Father Strassmaier years ago copied an impressive number of astronomical wedge inscriptions from the British Museum and thereby Pater Epping was able to deliver groundbreaking research on the Chaldean sky science. At his death the latter also left behind several of those copies still holding many archaeological and astronomical puzzles whose solution I have already dealt with and also will be dealt with in the future. ... The starting point for such examinations is usually the nature of the Babylonian numbers and their inner connection. Only then will an interpretation of the associated technical expressions be possible, while full confidence in understanding technical expressions/words is often only enabled through numerous and tedious control calculations being successfully accomplished. So far, however, it has been almost exclusively preliminary calculations (ephemeris, as well as lunar and planetary systems), to which we have turned our attention. In fact, these are more important than the cultural history of the observations because they are not just implicit. The fact that the Chaldeans have centuries of observations (of the moon and the planets) vouch for the greatest care taken, but also testify that they were able to create systems that fairly faithfully model the irregular course of those stars.
Kuhler would calculate (and recalculate) astronomical data to establish what matched the cuneiform data he had decoded. Both Epping and Kugler followed an inductive method and both demonstrated astute reasoning and judgment. Both Epping and Kugler relied on the astronomical analysis of the texts in order to 'decode' them. Both were prepared to do the laborious calculations and recalculations. Part of Epping's method to investigate Babylonian astronomy methods involved making numerous lunar and planetary calculations. Importantly, the astronomical tablets were clearly dated in a known era, so that astronomical calculations could be resorted to for the interpretation of their contents. Epping relied rather heavily on his calculations to derive meaning from the cuneiform material, rather than simply focusing on the translations of the textual parts provided by Strassmaier. Asger Aaboe remarked: "Epping brilliantly and swiftly came to understand much of the basic structure and terminology of Babylonian astronomy." Strassmaier only being able to provide translations (at times provisional and not wholly accurate) was not sufficient to understand the contents. Epping, and also Kugler, relied rather heavily on their respective astronomical calculations rather than decipherment of the texts in order to identify/establish their content. To help facilitate his astronomical analysis Kugler was concerned to obtain accurate texts through the process of (constant) collations. The meanings of many words and expressions remained obscure until the 1920s and 1930s and could only be guessed at by pioneering decipherers.
Understanding Kugler's knowledge of positional astronomy
An idea of the mathematical issues and calculations that Kugler had to deal with can be obtained by referring to such books as the enormously useful: Explanatory Supplement to the Astronomical Almanac (3rd Edition, 2012). Importantly, also see the Errata comprising 5 pages (independently issued) for this edition. The book provides an explanation of the astronomical principles and methods of computation used in The Astronomical Almanac. It describes the relevant terminology, notation, and concepts of computational astronomy and provides rigorous definitions and formulae.
Rate of tablet analysis
Astronomical mathematical cuneiform texts were analysed with great thoroughness by Kugler. In a letter to a colleague (Alexander Baumgartner) dated 29 October 1900, Kugler writes: "A tablet that Strassmaier copies in one afternoon may cost me 2 years of work." (See: de Jong, Teije. (2014). "Babylonian Astronomy 1880 - 1950: The Players and the Field." In: Proust, Christine. and Steele, John. (Editors). Otto Neugebauer Memorial Volume. (2016).) It is easy to see why Kugler was concerned with accuracy in tablet transcription and translation.
Part 15: Babel-Bibel, Panbabylonism
Circa 1900-1915 - Babel-Bibel (Delitzsch), Panbabylonism (Winckler-Jeremias-Weidner)
Kugler's contribution to the Babel-Bibel controversy and the Panbabylonism controversy, and reception
Kugler achieved national importance in the Babel-Bible dispute. Through his critical statements on panbabylonism, Kugler contributed to the end of this extremely controversial discussion against Friedrich Delitzsch and Hugo Winckler. As well as his 1910 book Kuglsr made scattered remarks against Panbabylonism in his SSB.
Kugler became involved in a number of scientific controversies. Kugler almost single-handedly countered the excesses of the Panbabylonists. The work of Epping and Strassmaier, and especially the later work of Kugler, disproved the claim of extreme antiquity for Babylonian astral sciences. It was only at the beginning of the 5th-century BCE that a mathematically accurate system of astronomical observations were developed. Critics of Kugler could not match the standards of his sensational studies of Babylonian astronomy. They were often forced to accept his identifications and re-decipherments. Kugler was a competent cuneiform researcher. The tedious, time-consuming astronomical calculations undertaken by Kugler undermined the claims of astral mythology proposed by the Panbabylonists.
The German Wikipedia entry for Franz Xaver Kugler (http://deacademic.com/dic.nsf/dewiki/464854) states: "Kugler erlangte im Babel-Bibel-Streit überregionale Bedeutung. Durch seine kritischen Stellungnahmen zum Panbabylonismus trug Kugler gegen Friedrich Delitzsch und Hugo Winckler zur Beendigung dieser äußerst kontroversen Diskussion bei." = (draft translation): "Kugler gained supra-regional importance in the Babel Bible dispute. Through his critical comments on Pan-Babylonism, Kugler contributed against Friedrich Delitzsch and Hugo Winckler to end this highly controversial discussion." Kugler's views on the Panbabylonism controversy gained wide importance. It is somewhat difficult to assess just how well-known and influential Kugler's publications against Delitzsch's "Babel-Bibel" claims were. It is difficult to assess whether Kugler's views on the Babel-Bibel controversy gained wide importance. On the Babel-Bible controversy Kugler appears to have only made 2 published rebuttals (one in 1903 (Pages iv-67) and (apparently) another in 1905) to Friedrich Delitzsch's "Babel-Bibel" claims. (Interestingly, the 1905 article/booklet is not mentioned by Reinhard Lehmann in his detailed book, Friedrich Delitzsch und der Babel-Bibel-Streit (1994).) However, they (or at least the readily accessible 1903 publication) would have met Kugler's usual scholarly standards and contained incisive critical comments. Kugler's more numerous scattered remarks against Panbabylonism (in SSB supplements and a journal article) were presented in most detail in his book Im Bannkreis Babels (1910). Through his incisive critical comments on Panbabylonism, Kugler made fundamental contributions against the ideas Hugo Winckler to bring an end to this highly controversial discussion. Reinhard Lehmann in his detailed book, Friedrich Delitzsch und der Babel-Bibel-Streit (1994) does not give any prominence to Kugler making fundamental contributions against the ideas of Friedrich Delitzsch to bring an end to the highly controversial Babel-Bible discussion.
Note: For comments on Kugler's role/influence in the Babel-Bibel-Streit see: Woodstock Letters, Volume LVIII, Number 2, 1 June 1929, Pages 466-467, especially Page 466. "It was at this time  that the eminent Assyriologist, Friedrich Delitsch (sic) gave the lectures which were the beginning of a fierce controversy between the believing and unbelieving scholars of the day. It is noteworthy that the part which Fr. Kugler played in this controversy was no small-one. He met in his own satirical manner the ingenious conclusions of Delitsch (sic) in such a way that the Kugler contribution to the war of the scholars have retained their value even to this day. The Delitsch (sic) cause gave way only to make room for a more dangerous foe. Dr. Hugo Winckler ...." I think the writer has mistakenly transferred a Winckler satirical criticism to Delitzsch.
As summary: In the publication of the article, "Kulturhistorische Bedeutung der Babylonische Astronomie" (1907) [Cultural-historical significance of Babylonian astronomy/Cultural and historical significance of Babylonian astronomy] Kugler maintains the late origin of Babylonian astronomy. Kugler also states that even late Babylonian astrology was very primitive in character. It appears that with the publication of Babylon und Christentum I (1903) and the publication in 1907, Kugler became an important figure, at least in Germany, in the Babel-Bible controversy and also Panbabylonism. Through his critical comments on Panbabylonism Kugler contributed to ending the highly controversial discussions initiated by Friedrich Delitzsch and Hugo Winckler.
The core issues that comprised the foundations of Panbabylonism were: (1) The astral myth ideas of Eduard Stucken (and ethnological ideas of Leo Frobenius), (2) The Babylonian diffusion according to Friedrich Delitzsch (resulting in the Babel-Bibel-Streit), and (3) The imagined role of Babylonian astronomy. Kugler never gave any attention to (1) and he demolished (2) and (3).
Lengthy scholarly Catholic/Jesuit discussions of Delitzsch's Babel-Bible theory appeared in various Catholic publications i.e., "La Bible et l’Assyriologie" by Father Condamin in Études (published by the Jesuits) in December 20, 1902 and March 20, 1903 (and completed by a 3rd part; by Father Keil in the Pastor Bonus in October, November, and December, and in Volume 6, 1903, an extensive bibliography of the Babel-Bible literature, 1902; by Franz Kugler in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach beginning in April 21, 1903; and "The Bible and Archaeology," (a translation of Condamin's French-language article was published in The Catholic Mind, Volume 1, [Number 8?], April 22, 1903. The reference by Keil is variously given as: P. Keil, London, Babel und Bible. Pastor bonus. Zeitschrift fur kirchliche Wissenschaft und Praxis, edited by Domkapitular Dr. P. Einig. XV., parts 1, 2, 3 (Oct. 1, Nov. 1, Dec. 1, 1902). Also: Keil, P., Zur Babel- und Bibelfrage. ... It was also reprinted with additions from the Pastor Bonus. Trèves, 1903. It was described as a careful work throwing considerable light on the subject. Kugler paid especial attention to Delitzsch's second lecture. Kugler's 1903 article in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach was described as a thorough refutation of new difficulties raised against the Bible by Delitzsch's 2nd lecture. Also, the last part of Kugler's defence of the Bible was comprised of arguments that the Babylonian ideas on religion and morality were not superior to those contained in the Old Testament. Various articles by miscellaneous authors also appeared in other publications such as the Catholic journal American Ecclesiastical Review (a monthly publication for the clergy).
The extravagant claims of the Panbabylonian school were effectively dismissed from serious consideration after the scientific investigations of the professional astronomer-assyriologist Franz Kugler. The reply/rebuttal to Panbabylonism was considered definitively given by Kugler in his SSB, in his article "Auf den Trimmern des Panbabylonismus" (1909), and in greater detail in his book Im Bannkreis Babels (1910). He also dealt with the issue in SSB.
Kugler's critique of Delitzsch's "Babel und Bibel"
Kugler also gained early recognition of his expertise as an assyriologist when he contributed his authoritative opinions in the Babel-Bible/Panbabylonism controversy against the views of Friedrich Delitzsch and Hugo Winckler. Early in his career Kugler was one of the numerous critics of the "Babel-Bibel" claims of the Berlin Assyriologist Delitzsch, who suggested that the Biblical account of the Creation and other events in Genesis had been taken from Assyrian mythology. (The babel-bibel controversy was between the emerging discipline of assyriology and its representatives and Protestant theology and clergy.)
To rebut the claims of Delitzsch, Kugler published 2 booklets drawing on his extensive first-hand knowledge of cuneiform sources.
The brochure Babylon und Christentum. Erstes Heft. Delitzschs Angriffe auf das Alte Testament [Babylon and Christianity: The Attacks of Delitzsch on the Old Testament] by von Franz Xaver Kugler (1903) was written, as the sub-title indicates, with special reference to Delitzsch's "Babel und Bibel," It set out Kugler's initial rebuttal (a 2nd one followed). Kugler's brochure originally appeared in 1903 as a 3-part article in the journal Stimmen aus Maria-Laach (Numbers 5, 6, & 7), shortly after the 2nd lecture by Delitszch. The booklet is almost unchanged. Early in his career Kugler was one of the numerous critics of the "Babel-Bibel" claims of the Berlin Assyriologist Delitzsch, who suggested that the Biblical account of the Creation and other events in Genesis had been taken from Assyrian mythology.
Kugler's 2nd rebuttal to Delitzsch's "Babel und Bibel." was the (now rarely mentioned and long forgotten) booklet Die Götter Babyloniens und die Neue Testament [The Gods of Babylonia and the New Testament] (1905). It would appear as Babylon und Christentum II. Kugler mentions it in Bemerkungen [Remarks] in Babylon und Christentum I. In Babylon und Christentum I, Kugler writes that the subject of Babylonian god/goddess trinities is/will be elaborated in Babylon und Christentum II. (Perhaps it was circulated privately. I have not seen a copy in any catalogue or for sale.)
Early in his career Kugler thought there was a connection between Assyrian-Babylonian religion and the Old Testament. This view appears to have changed as his career progressed. Kugler was considered to have published a thorough refutation of Babylonian material raised against the Bible. Part of his refutation was the proof that the Babylonian ideas on religion and morality are not superior to those contained in the Old Testament.
The tenants of Panbabylonism
The Panbabylonist school held:
(1) All myths (they literally included every religion and mythology within their scheme of interpretation) are concerned entirely, or nearly so, with astral phenomena. (Most mythological narratives were held to have an astronomical basis and contain detailed (but hidden) astronomical information.) In particular they are concerned with the course of the Sun, of the Moon, and on occasion with that of the planet Venus, especially in relation to the twelve signs of the zodiac and the stars in them. Winckler argued that a common astronomical world view was predominant in the ancient Near East and that all the gods/goddesses of the ancient Near East were astral figures.
(2) This whole cosmological system was derived from Babylon (or rather a unified Babylon/Akkad) where it was fully developed as early as circa 3000 BCE. From Babylon its influence gradually extended over the entire world. (In this regard the Panbabylonists were hyperdiffusionists.)
(3) In the 3rd millennium BCE the Babylonians held the concept of the universe as a double-sided principle i.e., the astral belief of correspondences that everything on earth corresponds to its counterpart in the heavens. (Expressions used by Hugo Winckler include: (1) Himmelsbild ist Weltenbild = macrocosm is microcosm once more, and (2) Entsprechungstheorie = theory of analogy or correspondence.)
(4) The Babylonians as early as 3000 BCE knew that the sun moved through the zodiac in a fixed period of time (i.e., the precession of the equinoxes) and were capable of reforming their calendar in accordance with such.
According to the theory of Winckler's school, Babylonian astronomy had reached its highest perfection as early as 3000-2000 BCE. By this period the Babylonians had knowledge of/had established:
(a) A constellation scheme (uranography) for the entire night sky.
(b) Marked the ecliptic.
(c) A zodiacal scheme.
(d) The position of the sun's course.
(e) The celestial equator.
(f) A scheme of celestial coordinates.
(g) An accurate calendar.
(h) The 8 years and 19 years intercalating cycles (and thus the relation between the sun and the moon).
(i) Reformed their calendar when the vernal point (or Autumnal point) passed from one sign of the zodiac to another.
(j) The position of the equinoctial points.
(k) The precession of the equinoxes (to the fairly exact figure of 50 seconds per year).
(l) The periods of the 5 planets.
(m) The phases of Venus.
(n) The 4 larger moons of Jupiter.
(o) A sophisticated mathematical knowledge.
(p) A highly developed astral-mythological scheme.
The foundation of the theory of Panbabylonism was the claim for an early date for scientific astronomy in Babylonia. This entailed knowledge of precession of the equinoxes and a system of astronomical/astrological 'World Ages.' Both Winckler and Jeremias proposed ideas of world ages. Their system of astral world ages does not correspond with periods of history (i.e., emphasis particular zodiacal figures in iconography/symbolism). The Babylonians did not divide history into astral ages. Winckler's assumptions regarding the astronomical knowledge of the Babylonians have not withstood investigation. Gradual Babylonian advances in astronomical knowledge from the 8th-century BCE prepared the way for the mathematical astronomy of the Seleucid period.
Kugler and claims for Babylonian knowledge of precession
Several sources indicate that Kugler very early believed the Babylonians had knowledge of precession but that he quickly discarded the idea.
In his early study of Babylonian lunar theory (DBM, 1900 (Pages 103f.), Kugler had thought it probable that the Babylonians (during the late period) having identified the difference/anomaly between the sidereal and tropical solar year had recognised precession. In his SSB1 (1907) Kugler later denied the Babylonians had knowledge of precession. Schnabel argued (incorrectly) that the Babylonians during the Persian period had discovered precession. The Panbabylonians argued (incorrectly) that from very early times the Babylonian knew of precession.
Regarding Ernst Dittrich's precession articles in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung (OLZ). Dittrich wrote OLZ, Number 7, 1909, Column 292; then OLZ, Number 3, 1910, Column 103. Kugler replied in OLZ, Number 6, 1910, Column 277 to Dittrich's 1910 article. Dittrich then replied to Kugler in OLZ, Number 1, 1911, Columns 14-18. It appears Kugler did not reply. (The sympathy of OLZ for Panbabylonism is clear in OLZ, Number 12, 1909, Columns 521-527.)
Kugler's flirtation with Panbabylonism
It is stated that Kugler at first was sympathetic to Panbabylonism. However, I have not seen any evidence that Kugler was ever really sympathetic to the cultural hyperdiffusionism of Panbabylonism. Kugler simply ignored it. Up till 1905-1907 Kugler was supportive of astral myth theories. He probably first gave attention to such between 1900 and 1905 at least.
For a time Kugler was engaged with the Epic of Gilgamesh. Kugler's single published flirtation with the astral theories of Panbabylonism was the lengthy article: Kugler, Franz. (1904). "Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgamesch: Kosmologische Würdigung des babylonischen Nationalepos." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band LXVI, Heft 4, April, Pages 432-449 + 2 fold-out diagrams (star-maps), and Band LXVI, Heft 5, May, Pages 547-561). An examination of the Gilgamesh epic as astronomical mythology. (Apparently the last of several early flirtations by Franz Kugler with the astral tenets of Panbabylonism.) This article - in which Kugler proposes an astral solution for the Gilgamesh myth - is Kugler's (last) brief flirtation with the astral interpretation of mythology promoted by Panbabylonism. Kugler later (SSB1) repudiated the ideas he had expressed in the article. Kugler demonstrated (SSB (1907) and IBB (1910)) the complete lack of convincing evidence in favour of Winckler's astral religion." Kugler called the symbolic explanations of Jeremias and Winckler as only "a dreamlike construction." (IBB, Pages 44-45.) Note: The article title is also translated as: "The Star Voyage of Gilgamesh: Cosmological appreciation of the Babylonian national epic.", 1904.
Note: Kugler's lengthy 2-part 1904 article title is also translated as "The Star Voyage of Gilgamesh: Cosmological appreciation of the Babylonian national epic."
At the end of IBB (pages 130-146), Kugler - in order to avoid law suits - adopted a humorous approach in presenting to his opponents/adversaries, the story of king Lois/Ludwig IX as being identical to the story of Gilgamesh - at that time believed to be a Babylonian solar hero.
Regarding Kugler's, "Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgames, kosmologische Würdigung des babylon Nationalepos." (Stimmen aus Maria Laach, Band LXVI, 1904, Page 441 ff.) In the epic of Gilgamesh (Table ix. cols. ii.–iv.) we find the mention of 2 giant scorpion-'men,' one male and the other female, terrible giants, keepers of a door. Kugler believed in his 1904 article that he had shown that these (were) 2 celestial scorpions - reproduced in Babylonian sculptures - that were the 2 zodiacal constellations Scorpio and Sagittarius. This position was also argued earlier by Peter Jensen in his book, Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen (1900, Page 205ff.); and by Alfred Jeremias in his book, Izbubar-Nimrod. Eine Altbabylonische Heldensage (1891, Page 66f.).
The term astral mythology means occurrences in the heavens are given the form of a narrative, with personifications of heavenly bodies and constellations. Kugler's article is an example of reading/reconstructing so-called mythical texts as 'Klartext' i.e., uncoded text, clear text, in understandable form. The 2 diagram's Kugler included with the article are exact sky-maps showing Gilgamesh's travels in the sky. In this 1904 essay Kugler agreed with Panbabylonism to a limited extent. At the time of its publication Kugler's essay was accepted as an excellent exposition proving the purely astral character of the Epic of Gilgamesh. The article was perhaps not entirely speculative. It was accepted at the time - and still is by some - that Kugler showed that the 2 celestial scorpions - reproduced in Babylonian sculptures - were the 2 zodiacal constellations Scorpio and Sagittarius. However, he seems to have been influenced by the astronomical interpretation of some kudurru iconography made as early as 1889 by Epping in AaB. See: Review of Theology & Philosophy, Volume 3, 1908, for mention of Kugler's and Jensen's contrasting approach to the Gilgamesh epic.
By 1904 (the year of publication of his astral interpretation of the Gilgamesh myth) 3 schools/streams able to influence Kugler's dabbling in astronomical mythology were: (1) the (German) Star-Myth school, (2) Panbabylonism, and (3) the Babel-Bibel school. The influences are indicated as Panbabylonism and especially the Babel-Bibel controversy initiated by Delitzsch. It is not clear what Kugler knew or thought about the German star-myth school. Delitzsch is mention on the first page (page 432) of Kugler's article. Jeremias' 1891 translation and publication of the Epic of Gilgamesh is mentioned on page 434. Jensen's early publications on Gilgamesh is mentioned on on pages 435. Why Kugler chose Gilgamesh to interpret as an astral myth is unclear. However, Delitzsch and Jensen are the likely influences. (I cannot read the Gothic script comprising the article.) The beginning of the astronomical interpretation of the Gilgamesh epic was begun by Peter Jensen. See his 2 early publications: "Das Gilgamis-Epos und Homer. Vorlaufige Mitteilung." in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Verwandte Gebiete, Sechzehnter Band [Band 16], 1902, Pages 125-134; and "Das Gilgamis-Epos in der israelitischen Legende." in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Verwandte Gebiete, Sechzehnter Band [Band 16], 1902, Pages 406-412. Delitzsch was not a supporter of Panbabylonism and, as far as I know, was not a supporter of astral-mythology. However, Kugler later rejected all the astronomical and astral myth tenets of Panbabylonism when he became convinced that any significant astronomy could not have existed in Mesopotamia before the era of Nabonassar in the 8th-century BCE. Late Mesopotamian and Hellenistic astronomers calculate the years by a chronological system called 'era of Nabonassar,' which began on February 26, 747 BCE.
The conception of a "Nabonassar Era" was first put forward by Kugler in SSB2 (1924) and was then largely forgotten until taken up again in a limited sense in 1960.
[Note: Haubold, Johannes., Steele, John., and Stevens, Kathryn. (2019). Keeping Watch in Babylon: The Astronomical Diaries in Context. Extact from BMCR review (2020.02.02) by Erlend Gehlken, Universität Frankfurt/Main: "In the first article John Steele examines the early history of the Diaries. There are only a few examples from the time before 400 BC. According to common doctrine, the first Diary was written at the beginning of the reign of King Nabonassar (747–734 BC). Nabonassar has given his name to a whole era – the so-called "era of Nabonassar". Not only is the compilation of the Diaries (and also the "Babylonian Chronicles") supposed to have been started in this period by order, systematic observational astronomy is believed to have originated in it. Steele carefully balances the arguments of individual scholars for the introduction of an "era of Nabonassar". The results are impressive: that era is definitively a modern fiction (as is mentioned by the author, this was postulated as early as 1968 by J. A. Brinkman, but not proven in detail). The first preserved "standard" Diary was only written under Nebuchadnezar II, in 568 BC."]
The Panbabylonian-Kugler dispute
The Panbabylonian-Kugler dispute primarily centred on:
(1) The age of Babylonian scientific astronomy.
(2) Babylonian knowledge of precession.
(3) Babylonian knowledge of the phases of Venus.
Also able to be included is:
(4) The date of the Babylonian constellation set.
(5) The claim for 'zodiacal world ages' in Babylonian astronomy.
Kugler's critique of Panbabylonism
There was great interest in George Smith (The Chaldean Account of Genesis (1875)) and great interest in Friederick Delitzsch (Babel-Bibel Lectures, 1902). The Panbabylonists believed that the astronomical and astrological texts in the library of Ashurbanipal contained astronomical texts possessing extremely accurate observations, and that these texts must have been compiled about 4500 BCE. The Panbabylonists argued that the astronomical professional expressions in the star-lists and astrological texts from Boghaz-Koi are perfect, and scientific astronomy could only have been progressing slowly afterwards.
The Panbabylonists argued their skills in being able to read cuneiform writing enabled them to properly comprehend the texts. But Jesuits such as Franz Kugler were gaining expert knowledge of cuneiform writing and combined this with expert knowledge of astronomy to understand Babylonian astral sciences. The Jesuits had realised since the 1872 announcements by George Smith that they could only be successful in the newly developing field of Assyriology and the associated Babel-Bibel controversies about the historicity of the Bible if they had the necessary competence to discuss the primary source material.
It was largely and gradually through the efforts of Kugler that the whole of the Panbabylonian doctrine was discredited. Kugler refuted the main arguments by which Winckler and Jeremias supported the original astral character of Babylonian religion. Kugler was perhaps the first and certainly the most capable of the opponents of Panbabylonism. Kugler refuted the main arguments by which Winckler and Jeremias supported the theory. Kugler showed that the exaggerated claims by Panbabylonists for an early age of Babylonian scientific astronomy were unfounded.
Franz Kugler was initially supportive of the tenets of Panbabylonism. However, his early supportive foray expressed in his article "Die Sternenfahrt des Gigamesch." (Stimmen aus Maria Laach, 1904) was revoked at least by by 1909. Kugler's initial sympathy for the ideas of Panbabylonism, was later discarded (at least by the publication of SSB1 in 1907) when he realized that there was no evidence for the possibility of serious (exact) astronomy existing in Mesopotamia before the era of Nabonassar. The Panbabylonist Fritz Hommel still (misleadingly) used Kugler's 1904 article in his book, Ethnologie und Geographic des alten Orients (1926, see page 366).
In his Alter der babylonischen Astronomie (1909) Alfred Jeremias explored the question of the age of Babylonian astronomy. Jeremias gave an introduction to the state of research regarding ancient Babylonian culture and also discusses the theses of the astronomer Kugler. In Alter der babylonischen Astronomie (1909) Jeremias argued that in SSB1 Kugler repeatedly argued for the old age and significant influence of Babylonian culture. But persuasive arguments are not made from general statements dealing with culture and not with the specifics of the age of accurate astronomy. Jeremias appears to be confusing the issue of what ideas Kugler presented and when on Babylonian astronomy. From SSB1 (1907) onwards Kugler was quite clear for the lateness of accurate Babylonian astronomy.
From the publication of SSB I in 1907, Kugler refuted the claim/theory of the great scientific content of the early Babylonian astronomy. Kugler was trenchant in his opposition to the doctrines of Panbabylonism regarding Babylonian astronomy. (The Babel-Bibel lectures of Friedrich Delitzsch in 1902 led to the name Panbabylonism.) The knowledge of Babylonian astronomy gained by Kugler by painstaking investigations and set out in his SSB1 (1907) was a decisive set-back for the tenets of Panbabylonism.
Publication in the journal Anthropos of the trenchant article against Panbabylonism Auf den Trümmern des Panbabylonismus [On the Ruins of Panbabylonism] in 1909 by Kugler. The article was mostly a critique of a volume in the series Im Kampfe um den alten Orient: Wehr- und Streitschriften. Francesca Rochberg identifies Kugler's article entitled "On the Ruins of Panbabylonism" as a clever pun on Claudius James Rich's important 1818 memoir On the ruins of Babylon. Kugler's article was a critique of the Panbabylonian theory of mythology set up by Fritz Hommel and Hugo Winckler, and a critique of the astronomic and other data in a volume by Alfred Jeremias in the series Kampfe um den alten Orient: Wehr- und Streitschriften. (The Panbabylonist Alfred Jeremias replied the same year with the 2nd edition of his 1908 booklet Das Alter der babylonischen Astronomie (1909). In it he attempted to nullify Kugler's arguments against a high age for Babylonian astronomical science.) Jeremias opposed Kugler's denial of any scientific astronomy in Mesopotamia before the Assyrians. Kugler's broadside against Panbabylonism (Im Bannkreis Babels) was published in 1910. This book was Kugler's major publication against Panbabylonism (an expansion of his earlier 1909 article) was his book, Im Bannkreis Babels: panbabylonistische Konstruktionen und religionsgeschichtliche Tatsachen (1910). (See the (German-language) book review by Johann Hehn in Theologische Revue, 21 April, Number 6, 13. Jahrgang, 1913, Columns 166-168.)
Franz Kugler was an early (some sources say the first) and the most powerful of the opponents of Panbabylonism. (Kugler had early close allies in Carl Bezold and Franz Boll.) Kugler (and others, such as Carl Bezold and Franz Boll) held the evidence showed that Old Babylon astronomy was the beginning of astronomy, primarily a collection of omens rather than the establishment of strict astronomical facts. Jeremias insisted that the collection of early omens recovered from the Royal Library of Ashurbanipal, the last great king of the Neo-Assyrian Empire (reigned 7th-century BCE), could not give an adequate idea of the earlier Babylonian astronomy. Jeremias stressed doing so ignored (would overthrow) all that was known of Old Babylonian civilization and make the Assyrians innovative and the Babylonians laggards. Jeremias also objected to Kugler's mocking style of criticism of Panbabylonism. Kugler felt that Alfred Jeremias, in making his criticisms in Alter der babylonischen Astronomie (1908/1909), wanted to belittle the achievements of Epping and himself. (Panbabylonism - with its often populist and excessive claims for Mesopotamian astral science - emerged alongside the rigorous pioneering investigations of Epping and Kugler.) Jeremias protested this accusation by Kugler. Jeremias claimed he did criticize the claimed accuracy of ancient observations.
Hugo Gressmann was also a powerful opponent/critic of Panbabylonism. See: "Winckler's altorientalisches Phantasiebild." by Hugo Gressmann (Zeitschrift für Wissenschaftliche Theologie, Band 49, 1906, Pages 289-309). It is an early and major criticism of Panbabylonism. Another critic of Panbabylonism was Heinrich Rühle.
After WWI Kugler no longer engaged in debates regarding Babel-Bibel issues and Panbabylonism claims. He focused mostly on issues regarding Biblical chronology and Babylonian chronology.
Kugler's Im Bannkreis Babels
Kugler's key publication against Panbabylonism was his book, Im Bannkreis Babels: panbabylonistische Konstruktionen und religionsgeschichtliche Tatsachen (1910). It is commonly described as Kugler's broadside against Panbabylonism. It was a detailed criticism of the astral theory of Babylonian religion. (Kugler's essays showing the weaknesses of Panbabylonist claims also appeared in the early supplements comprising SSB.) Ernst Weidner's review of Kugler's IBB appeared in KAO IV (?) (= Kampfe um den Alten Orient) (1913 (?), page 13). Kugler showed that the inferences elaborated from the assumptions made by Winckler and Jeremias do not follow.
On the matter of 'astrological geography', on page 116 Kugler recognises there was a late Babylonian association of countries and zodiacal signs.
Babylonian astral religion is one of the subjects of the 2nd volume of Franz Kugler's Stemkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. Quite often, Babylonian planet names tend to have the determinative for god/goddess (see: Kugler, SSB1, 1907, Page 62).
Included in IBB was a satirical analysis of King Louis IX of France (1214-1270) and the Mesopotamian hero Gilgamesh (2nd-millennium BCE), in which he gave 17 pages of striking parallels (mock demonstration) 'showing' that Louis IX was actually a Mesopotamian solar hero. Otto Neugebauer wrote (The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, 1969, Page 138): "Kugler's example [of odd-match/coincidental parallels] should be studied by every historian because it demonstrates far beyond its original purpose how easy it is to fit a large body of evidence into whatever theory one has decided upon." (Earlier, Archbishop Richard Whateley had 'showed' (mock demonstration) that Napoleon Bonaparte is a solar myth, in his 22-page pamphlet, Historic Doubts Relative to Napoleon Bounaparte (1819).)
Weidner's book review (criticism) of Kugler's Im Bannkreis Babels : Panbabylonistische Konstruktionen und Religionsgeschichtliche Tatsachen appeared in the periodical Orientalistische[n] Literaturzeitung Band 16, Numbers 1 and 2, 1913, Columns 20-26 & 54-57. The title is "Zum Kampfe um die Altorientalische Weltanschauung: Besprechung von F. X. Kugler, S. J., Im Bannkreis Babels." It was also reprinted as a small 16-page pamphlet in the same year: Zum Kampfe um die altorientalische Weltanschauung: Besprechung von F.X. Kugler, S.J., Im Bannkreis Babels (J.C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, Leipzig, 1913). The essay includes a discussion by Weidner of the supposed religious ideas and Natural Philosophy at the root of religions. Interestingly, Weidner, in his books published between 1911-1915, never refers to Kugler's IBB. A 1913 article by Weidner that could refer to Kugler's IBB or SSB is "Beiträge zur Erklärung der astronomischen Keilschrifttexte." in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, Band 16, Number 5, (1913), Columns 204-212. I will need to look for my copy to verify details.
Comparison method discrediting sun myth/astral myth ideas
In his book IBB (1910) Kugler borrowed the earlier used method of comparing a historical figure with a sun-myth figure to demonstrate the ease with which comparisons can be established. Kugler randomly selected the French historical figure of Louis/Ludwig IX and had no difficulty in demonstrating by astral methods that the extant records of his life and reign are full of solar and astral motifs and similar to the story of the Babylonian solar hero Gilgamesh. (At this period Gilgamesh was thought to be a solar figure.) In 1870 the same method was used to to discredit Max Muller's solar myth theory by identifying Max Muller as a solar myth. Kugler borrowed the method and and applied it to the astral theory which was essentially a revival of the Solar Myth explanation within a Babylonian context. The method Kugler used for his humorous demonstration in IBB, was to to compare details of King Louis/Ludwig IX with the story of Gilgamesh. They matched each other and were stories conforming to the sun-myth type. (At that period Gilgamesh was believed to be a sun-myth.) Another writer used the same method to demonstrate that Napoleon Bonaparte was a solar myth. Obviously astral methods could be used to prove anything. (See: The Open Court, Volume XVII, Number 7, July 1903, Number 566, Pages 385-392, for the early history of this particular method. It goes back to the early 1800s. It was originally used against the solar myth explanations of Charles Dupuis. Earlier than Archbishop Richard Whateley's (mock demonstration) that Napoleon Bonaparte is a solar myth, in his 22-page pamphlet, Historic Doubts Relative to Napoleon Bounaparte (1819). Also, see: The Napoleon Myth by Henry Evans (1904).)
The Late Babylonian period association of a number of countries with some of the zodiacal signs is was thought possible Kugler in the early volumes of his Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1907-1924) and in his Im Bannkreis Babels (1910). The discussion of such forms part of his demolition the Panbabylonian arguments for Himmelsbild = Weltbild. A summary of most of his arguments against Panbabylonism appear in his Im Bannkreis Babels (1910). In Im Bannkreis Babels (1910, Page 116), Kugler states it is possible that there was a late Babylonian association of countries and zodiacal signs. Kugler (in: Im Bannkreis Babels, Page 116) writes that his earlier (i.e., on Page 115) results (which refer to the 7th-century BCE) do not exclude that the Babylonian astronomers of the late period (by which he means Achaemenid and Hellenistic) could have combined countries with zodiacal signs in the same way as occurred in Greek times. In other words, he has no indication of it, but he does not want to exclude it. Kugler relies mostly on other authorities. For the "Greek times" he refers to Auguste Bouché-Leclercq and Wilhelm Kroll. He references L'Astrologie grecque by Auguste Bouche-Leclercq (1899, Page 328ff); and Sphaera by Franz Boll (1903, Page 295ff). Kugler also references [Wilhelm] Kroll, Neue Jahrb. f. kl. Alt. [= Neue Jahrbucher fur das klassische Altertum], I. Abt. VII 574. He continues by conjecturing ("scheint es mir") that the astronomical predictions of the Babylonians in the Arsacid period, which indicate the entering of planets into zodiacal signs, probably had the purpose of determining the fates of countries. For these texts he refers to Epping and his own SSB1 where a few are edited. I have not rechecked Kugler's SSB but I think Erganzungen Heft 1 and 2 (1913-1914) are the relevant volumes. It is entirely uncertain what the purpose of these texts was. The assyriologist Francesca Rochberg has argued that they may have been used for horoscopes.
Weidner's book review of Kugler's Im Bannkreis Babels was published in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, Volume 16, Number 2, January 1, 1913, Starting column 54.
The Im Kampfe um den alten Orient booklets
Kugler began focusing his criticism of Panbabylonism around the era of Nebonassar and the fact that no systematic scientific astronomy existed prior to it. See his fully developed position in: VII "Positive Gründe für das Fehlen einer wissenschaftlichen Astronomie vor dem VIII. Jahrhundert v. Chr." in Erganzungen I. Teil, 1913, Pages 130-135. The development and focus of this argument against the claims of the Panbabylonists apparently prompted Winckler and Jeremias to begin publication of a series of booklets to advocate its views, under the broad title, Im Kampfe um den alten Orient. The main focus of this series was argument deriving from cuneiform philology, rather than mythology. Mythology was only involved when required for the interpretation of texts. One of their main arguments is that Venus was grouped with the Sun and Moon because Venus was known to have phases like the Moon.
It was the issue of whether the Babylonians had knowledge of the phases of Venus that Kugler gave considerable attention. He considered the Panbabylonist claim for such to be particularly venerable and able to be decisively refuted. In his article "Auf den Trümmern des Panbabylonismus." (Anthropos: Revue internationale d'ethnologie et de linguistique, Band 4, Heft 2, 1909, Pages 477-499), stated the idea to be foolishness and mocked it. However, the argument then turned on the claim that ancient observers were aware of the 4 larger satellites of Jupiter, mythology being used as evidence (i.e., the 4 dogs of Marduk). Kugler did not dispute the possibility of ancient observers being able to see the 4 moons of Jupiter under rare and favourable conditions. For Kugler, the fact that Venus is grouped with the Sun and Moon is that Venus can be bright enough to cast terrestrial shadows. There are 3 astronomical bodies that can cast shadows on the surface of earth bright enough for humans to see: the sun, moon, and Venus. Few people have ever seen a Venus shadow - they are elusive and delicate. A very dark observing site is a prerequisite, also a hand and a white sheet of paper. Also included in Kugler's explanation was, when brightest, Venus is able to be seen during daylight hours.
The novice assyriologist and cuneiform philologist, Ernst Weidner, a new adherent of Panbabylonism, published, Alter und Bedeutung der babylonischen Astronomie und Astrallehre (1914) as issue/monograph 4 of KAO (Im Kampfe um den alten Orient). It was intended as a definitive refutation of Kugler's astronomical arguments/rebuttals against Panbabylonism. Kugler published a highly critical review of it. However, Weidner was so confident that he published a year later (1915), Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomie. Weidner announced it was the first volume of his plan to publish a comprehensive 3-volume study of Babylonian astronomy. However, Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomie was abandoned after publication of Volume 1 in 1915.
Weidner believed in his interpretation of cuneiform texts regarding Babylonian knowledge of the Venus crescent. He also cited modern naked-eye observations of the Venus crescent. It appears nothing conclusive came from this particular debate and the period of WWI resulted in the matter being dropped.
Effect of SSB in the Panbabylonist debate
In his Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Buch 1, (1907) Kugler first set out his firm opposition to the tenets of Panbabylonism. He also discussed the issue of supposed Babylonian knowledge of precession. In 1907 the first volume of Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel Kugler showed the non-existence of the astronomical foundation on which Panbabylonism had been built. Kugler demonstrated that the idea of a highly developed scientific astronomy in ancient Mesopotamia was untenable. Kugler showed that a highly developed astronomy did not originate at the beginning of Babylonian civilization but quite at the end of it - after circa 700 BCE. Kugler's conclusions on the age of Babylonian astronomy was supported by the (German) astronomers (Friedrich) Leopold Ambronn (1854-1930), Adolf Berberich (1861-1920), Friedrich Ginzel (1850-1926), Siegmund Günther (geographer, 1848-1923), and Joseph Plassmann (1859-1940).
The publication in 1909/1910 of the first part of Volume 2 of Franz Kugler's Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel forced the Panbabylonists to adopt new tactics. In 1909 some key Panbabylonists stated their intention to now only examine whether the astrological foundations of Panbabylonism were better assured than its astronomical ones. Kugler in 1910 with his book Im Bannkreis Babels showed that Panbabylonism was just as unsound in its astrological as in its astronomical foundations.
Publication in 1910 of the trenchant book against Panbabylonism Im Bannkries Babels by Franz Kugler. The book was an expansion of his 1909 article in the journal Anthropos. Kugler demonstrated that the methods used by the Panbabylonians were unsound. Kugler exposed the fact that Winckler and Jeremias were not knowledgeable concerning Babylonian astronomy and astral lore. In this book Kugler solidly rejected his previous astral interpretation of the Gilgamesh epic undertaken in his 1904 article. A main focus of Kugler's book was the critique of newly implemented Panbabylonian claims/tactics for astrological evidence of the tenets of Panbabylonism.
Bezold supported Kugler in a publication in 1911 (Astronomie, Himmelsschau und Astrallehre bei den Babyloniern) in his criticism of the Panbabylonism then current. Carl Bezold discussed the results of Kugler's SSB volumes and their bearing on the Panbabylonistic question in a lecture delivered before the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences on December 3, 1910. This was published in 1911 as Astronomie, Himmelsschau und Astrallehre bei den Babyloniern.
After World War I the open controversy between Kugler and the Panbabylonists was not renewed.
The Jeremias-Kugler debate
In his SSB1 (1907) Kugler criticised Panbabylonism. In his Das Alter der babylonische Astronomie (1908) Jeremias criticised Kugler. A rejoinder by Kugler appeared in Anthropos IV, 477-499, (1909). A reply by Jeremias appeared in the 2nd edition of Das Alter der babylonische Astronomie (1909). Kugler's SSB2 supplement (1909/1910) contained further criticisms of Panbabylonism.
The Weidner-Kugler debate
The very young Weidner was also a convinced Panbabylonist and an active supporter of the Panbabylonist ideas of Hugo Winckler and Alfred Jeremias. In 1918 the astronomer Antonie Pannekoek wrote that Ernst Weidner was "the last champion of the great antiquity of Babylonian astronomy." It has also been remarked that Weidner was very confident. In 1914 Weidner published a monograph aimed at being a decisive rebuttal to Kugler's arguments against Panbabylonism. In 1915 Weidner published the first volume of a projected larger work on Babylonian astronomy incorporating Panbabylonism. Both publications received harsh criticism from Kugler.
Most of Kugler's criticisms of Panbabylonism was directed against Winckler and Jeremias rather than Weidner. However, the tone of the debate/exchanges between Kugler and Weidner was acrimonious.
Weidner's early announced plan to publish a comprehensive/extensive 3-volume study of Babylonian astronomy titled Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomie was abandoned after publication of Volume 1 in 1915. It was a study of Babylonian constellations and star names. The usefulness of Weidner's early publications on Babylonian uranography were limited by his trenchant Panbabylonist views and his readiness to assign dates for constellation and star list material to the 3rd and 4th millennium BCE. (See even Ernst Weidner's article late article "Fixsterne" in Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie (Volume 3). No known Mesopotamian star-list is older than the 2nd-millennium BCE. Samuel Kramer's assertion in his The Sumerians (1963) that we have a list of about 25 stars from Sumer is probably based on Ernst Weidner's article "Fixsterne" in Reallexikon der Assyriologie. However, Weidner was wrong and the earliest star-lists mentioned by him date from the Old Babylonian period.) Weidner's sky map of Mesopotamian constellations for 2000 BCE is his own particular fantasy.
Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomie by Ernst Weidner (1914) was written from the Panbabylonism standpoint and is a veritable wonderland of Panbabylonism. (It was completed several years prior to its publication in 1914, and was in press from 1913.) In Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomie Weidner declared a sophisticated Babylonian astronomy existed at least circa 2,000 BCE, misunderstood and incorrectly used 'The Hilprecht Text' (HS 245) – which he could not date (but is Middle Babylonian Period circa latter part of the 2nd-millennium BCE) - as evidence of an early sophisticated mathematical astronomy (before the Kassite Period), and asserted texts from the library of King Ashurbanipal go back to at least 4,500 BCE. (For Weidner 'The Hilprecht Text,' which he believed likely dated to the 3rd-millennium BCE, provided evidence for an equator-based system of coordinates for measuring the locations of fixed stars.) In a 1914 journal article in Babyloniaca, Weidner dated CBS 11901 (LBAT 1478), a tablet from Nippur, to circa 1500 BCE (Kassite period). In his HBA (1914, Pages 9-17) he presented a lengthy discussion of the tablet. Kugler (1914 SSB Ergan. Teil II, Pages 233-242) demonstrated that the phenomena it records - which includes a solar eclipse prediction - occurred in 424 BCE. Weidner also wrongly claimed that the Babylonians identified the Pole of the Equator and the Pole of the Ecliptic. In Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomie Weidner holds that (Pages 32-34) Nibiru is the Pole of the Ecliptic (= Enlil is the Pole of the Ecliptic), and (Page 97) kakkab MU-SIR-KEŠ-DA = kakkab Niru, is the Pole of the Equator (= Anu is the Pole of the Equator).) (It is now clear that the Mesopotamians used the term 'Nibiru' to mark an astronomical event; a "crossing" at some point in the sky of Jupiter, Mercury, and a star.) In dealing with the star-list from Boghazkoi (Bogazkoi), Weidner mistranslated the names of 4 stars as planets.
It has been incorrectly claimed that Weidner's KAO 4 = Alter und Bedeutung der babylonischen Astronomie und Astrallehre (1914) initiated this debate. Rather it identifies the publication and date that Weidner entered this debate. Weidner's KAO 4 was intended to be a decisive refutation of Kugler's case against Panbabylonism. However, it became an opportunity for Kugler to continue with further decisive arguments against Panbabylonist claims.
In 1914 Ernst Weidner (Alter und Bedeutung der babylonischen Astronomie und Astrallehre) tried to prove that the Saros must have been known at least 1000 BCE but he was not successful in this. Kugler (SSB Ergän.) decisively demolished his arguments. (See the English-language discussion by Antonie Pannekoek in "The Origin of the Saros." (Proceedings of the Section of Sciences of the Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Volume 20, 1918, Pages 943-955).) Weidner also claimed to have identified evidence establishing a very accurate 38-year intercalary cycle as early as the time of the dynasty of Ur (3rd-millennium BCE), and vigorously supported this. Kugler stoutly denied the existence of any intercalary cycle before the year 528 BCE.
Both Ernst Weidner and Franz Kugler, the trenchant scholarly critic of Panbabylonism and the leading expert on Babylonian astronomy, were mutually combative and when Kugler died Weidner made only a brief mention of such in his periodical. Ernst Weidner was in competition with Franz Kugler (the leading authority on Babylonian astronomy) to understand Babylonian astronomy. There was a long and acrimonious controversy on aspects of Babylonian astronomy between Ernst Weidner and Franz Kugler. It centred on (1) the age of Babylonian 'scientific' astronomy, (2) the visibility of the phases of Venus, and (3) whether the Babylonians were aware of precession. (There was also a long and acrimonious controversy on aspects of Babylonian astronomy between Paul Schnabel and Franz Kugler.)
The Weidner-Kugler debates can be classed as significant debates. The prolonged (but not prolific) Weidner-Kugler debate waged around issues of: (1) Venus and the "Venus tablet", (2) the "Hilprecht text", (3) Babylonian chronology (including the age of Babylonian astronomy), and (4) calendrical issues (including whether the Babylonians had knowledge of precession). The two most heated aspects of these debates between Weidner and Kugler concerned the "Hilprecht text" and Venus. The most significant debate centred on Venus. The first furious debate followed the partial publication of Hilprecht's Nippur text by Fritz Hommel in August, 1908. The debate, somewhat misplaced, was over the exactitude of measurement of star distances. This debate continued to 1911 at least. (See Weidner's HBA, page 128, for references to this controversy. See also: "Distances Entre Etoiles Fixes d'après une tablette de l'époque de séleucides." by François Thureau-Dangin (Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archéologie Orientale, Dixième Volume, Number IV, 1913, Pages 215-225). François Thureau-Dangin was a French archaeologist, assyriologist and epigrapher. He played a major role in the deciphering of Sumerian and Akkadian languages.) The second furious debate followed the publication of Weidner's Alter und Bedeutung der babylonischen Astronomie und Astrallehre in 1914. The debate was over whether the phases of Venus had been observed by the Babylonians. Part of the problem was the lack of suitable understanding at that time of the meaning of certain words. The issue was only cleared up some 20 years later by Schaumberger.
A heated debate between Kugler and Weidner centred on the question of whether the phases of Venus had been observed in Babylonian astronomy. Several cuneiform texts describe the planets Venus and Mars as having 'horns.' Some have interpreted these texts as containing identifications of the phases of these planets. However, due to the smallness of the disk of the planet Mars (25 seconds of arc at its nearest distance to the Earth), and the limited maximum phase angle (an illuminated disk that is always more than 85% of the total disk), the naked-eye detection of the phases of Mars is not possible. Others have interpreted these particular few references in texts as description types that emphasize the celestial nature of Venus and Mars. Babylonian iconography frequently depicted a number of gods/goddesses with horns resembling the lunar crescent to emphasize their celestial nature. The apparent disk of Venus, near its inferior conjunction with the Sun, can measure up to 68 seconds of arc when its crescent (horns) will be extremely slender. Under circumstances of favourable atmospheric conditions and an observer having acute eyesight, it does appear possible for the crescent form of Venus to be detected with the unaided eye. A number of 19th-century and 20th-century reports indicate support for this. A very brief article, Anon (= Editor?), "The Crescent of Venus," in, The English Mechanic and World of Science (Volume 77, Number 1984, 1903, Page 161), cites a letter from Johann Strassmaier to Knowledge: An Illustrated Magazine of Science, Literature and Art, stating that he did not know of any cuneiform inscriptions that mentioned the "phases of Venus." The horns of Venus issue (which dates back to the early period of Assyriology) has been dealt with by Johann Schaumberger in his 3. Erganzungsheft (1935, See pages 290ff but especially page 302) of Franz Kugler's Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1907-1924; continued by Schaumberger 1935). According to Schaumberger the Akkadian cuneiform term "karnu" (or "karni") can mean "horn" or can mean "side." Thus the "horn of Venus" is properly interpreted to mean the "side of Venus." Schaumberger mentions the term "karnu" is also applied to Mars but the interpretation cannot be the "horns of Mars." Schaumberger (Page 303, Der Bart der Venus) also explains the "Beard of Venus. "However, this does not confirm that the Babylonians were aware of the 'horns' of the crescent Venus. Johann Schaumberger, "Die Horner der Venus" in Kugler's Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1935) wrote: "[T]he cuneiform texts ... speak of the right or the left horn of Venus. ... [It has been deduced] … the phases of Venus were observed already by the Babylonians ... Galileo, in the [1600s], was not the first to see them."
Note 1: Also see the modern article: "Can the Disk of Jupiter Be Glimpsed With the Naked Eye?" by Roland Dechesne (Royal Astronomical Society of Canada Bulletin, Volume 1, Number 2, April 1991, Pages 7-8).
Note 2: Kugler (and others) did not always understand the meaning or meanings of cuneiform terms used in astronomy. The meanings of "karnu" or "karni" is an example. In SSB2 (Page 72, Note 3) Kugler wrote: " SI = ḳarnu ‚Horn’, term. techn. für Mondsichel." Hence, Mondsichel = Moonlight = horn of moon. It took Kugler between 1907 (SSB 1) and 1924 (SSB 2, Part 2) to discover the correct interpretation of remarks like: PAP NU IGI, and ki PAP NU IGI. Predicted lunar eclipses that were expected to be visible were watched for to try and confirm the prediction. If the lunar eclipse was not seen then this was indicated by the comment ki PAP NU IGI, "watched for, but not seen"/"when I watched, I did not see it". Perhaps because of clouds and mist the lunar eclipse was not seen or perhaps the moon was below the horizon. NU PAP means "not watched for"/"I did not watch". PAP NU IGI likely means something similar. Kugler, did not know, or only slowly identified, the Akkadian readings of Sumerian logograms.
Note 3: Livio Stecchini wrote of a protracted written debate between Kugler and Weidner but this is indicated as misinformed. (Many of Stecchini's comments regarding Kugler are unreliable.) Livio Stecchini) incorrectly claimed that the published exchanges between Kugler and Weidner were so frequent they were dated by the year, month, and day. See the claim in: The Velikovsky Affair - Scientism versus Science edited by Alfred de Grazia (1966, 2 edition 1978). Any look through the early volumes of OLZ suffice to demonstrate that de Grazia's claim was erroneous. Also, Livio Stecchini implied that Kugler avoided some aspects of the Panbabylonism debate. However, if this is true, it would appear that Weidner did the same. Livio Catullo Stecchini (1913-1979) was an Italian-American science historian with a special interest in ancient metrology and cartography. Stecchini was a professor of ancient history at Paterson State Teachers College (now William Paterson University) in New Jersey. He originally started his career as a classicist. He wrote extensively on the history of science, ancient weights and measures (metrology), and the history of cartography in antiquity. Stecchini's ideas are controversial and mostly unaccepted (except by alternative historians). .It appears most scholars consider his published and unpublished work on metrology, based on his work on ancient numismatics, as numerology or pseudoscientific metrology. He influenced later writers of alternative history such as Robert Temple, Peter Tompkins, John Michell (the English author and esotericist), and John Neal.)
The controversy between Kugler and Weidner also included the Panbabylonist claim for 'zodiacal world ages' in Babylonian astronomy. From his study of cuneiform texts Kugler pointed out that the concept of precessional movement of the tropical points through ecliptic constellations was not contained in early Babylonian astronomical texts. There is nothing in the Babylonian texts to prove a Twins-, Bull-, and Ram-period of precession. The ecliptic only became important in the 1st-millennium BCE. There was certainly no pre 1st-millennium zodiac for observing and measuring precessional "zodiacal ages." A zodiac for being able to do such only came into existence in the last half of the 1st-millennium BCE. (The concept of precessional "world ages" can be traced back to Origine des tous les cultes: ou, Religion universelle by Charles Dupuis (1794). The concept of 'zodiacal ages/astrological ages' was developed by 19th-century theosophy and early 20th-century astrology.) Later, in addition to the above, Otto Negebauer pointed out ("Babylonian Planetary Theory," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Volume 98, 1954, Page 64): "There is no trace of any definition of the vernal point as the intersection of ecliptic and equator (which appears nowhere in Babylonian astronomy)." Note: In the Glossary to his Astronomical Cuneiform Texts (1955), Neugebauer explains that the (late) term for the vernal equinox is basically "ina hun lal-mes."
The invention of zodiacal/precessional 'world ages'
The Babylonians are the only realistic candidates for for an ancient concept of zodiacal-based 'world ages.' However, prior to the 5th-century BCE the Babylonians had no zodiac or scientific astronomy (and reasonably accurate calendar) and certainly could not have known of a Bull-period (or any other type of zodiacal period) involving precession. Prior to circa 1000 BCE the ecliptic was not specifically marked in Babylonian astronomy (the path system of 'three stars each' was established. This can be loosely described as an equatorial system. Some constellations - but not all - that later formed part of the zodiac were established circa 2000 BCE in Mesopotamia. There is no evidence that a Bull constellation existed (anywhere) circa 3000 BCE (or earlier) let alone that the vernal equinox was noted to occur in such at this time. (The inadequate arguments of Willy Hartner can be ignored.) According to Ptolemy it was Hipparchus who first calculated a rate for precession.
Astrological (= zodiacal) ages is an modern astrological concept with its origins in speculations about astronomical mythology, and the antiquity of astronomical knowledge. The determination of the starting dates of the astrological ages are without consensus and are dependent on the numerous methods of calculation used. The introduction of the imaginary system of 12 zodiacal signs was a late Babylonian mathematical device that redefined constellations along the ecliptic. Its introduction is not indicated as being connected with astral omenology. The precession of the equinoxes determines so-called precessional (zodiacal) ages. Some modern popular belief systems (such as astrological mythology, and Theosophical beliefs and New Age beliefs derived from Theosophy) imagine that the so-called zodiacal (astrological) ages distinctively influence historical events. (In popular culture, the "Age of Aquarius" simply refers to the advent of the New Age movement in the 1960s and 1970s.) Non-speculative evidence for an ancient theory of successive precessional ages (let alone their supposed influence) is wanting. Speculative evidence for an ancient theory of precessional ages - such as David Ulansey's ideas on Mithraism - abound. Ulansey claims that Mithraism had a cosmology associated with the precession of the equinoxes and the signs of the zodiac. Arguing for the idea of astrological world ages originating in the ancient world is one thing; providing evidence that the idea was also linked to the precession of the equinoxes is quite another. The concept of precession-based zodiacal "world ages" is largely a 19th-century Theosophical concept largely invented by the occultist Helena Blavatsky. In her publications Blavatsky discussed a variety of belief systems involved with astronomical cycles. In a footnote to an 1888 article Blavatsky asserted there was a cycle founded on the precession of the equinoxes and the signs of the zodiac. Earlier, in her book Isis Unveiled (2 Volumes, 1877) Blavatsky mentioned the statements by Charles Dupuis, Constantin Volney, and Godfrey Higgins regarding cycles. Nick Campion identifies that the concept draws "partly on Hesiod's sequence of ages outlined in the Works and Days, the Hindu Yugas, some 19th century studies of comparative religion and Madame Blavatsky's own theory of racial and spiritual evolution (Hastro-L, 13 April, 2000)." However, the concept of precessional "world ages" can also be traced back to Origine des tous les cultes: ou, Religion universelle by Charles Dupuis (1794). Also influential was Anacalypsis (2 Volumes, 1833-1836) by Godfrey Higgins who asserted the Chaldeans had a cyclical system of world ages of 2160 years each. Higgins claimed that a cycle of precessional astrological (world) ages of 2160 years each was discovered by the Chaldeans and was subject to encoding in language by use of significant names and phrases, and letters having having numerical equivalents. In all of this speculation ancient constellation boundaries remains an issue. The constellations are all of uneven size and we have no knowledge of the boundaries of any early constellations. We have no knowledge of even the boundaries of the Greek constellation scheme of Aratus of Soli circa 275 BCE. More modern proponents of ancient knowledge of precession and/or a system of zodiacal world ages are the French occultist René Adolphe Schwaller de Lubicz (1887–1961) , and the Swiss mystic, psychiatrist, and psychotherapist Carl Jung (1875-1961). In his Sacred Science: The King of Pharaonic Theocracy (1961), René Adolphe Schwaller de Lubicz claimed knowledge of precession in ancient Egypt. In his Aion (1951, also in Collected Works of C. G. Jung, Volume 9, Part 2) Carl Jung popularised the concept of astrological ages. The original 2 Swiss editions had different subtitles: "Researches into the History of Symbols" and then "Contributions to the Symbolism of the Self."
The fact that societies were organised according to models of the cosmos and also that there were prophetic theories of history does not mean that ancient (e.g., Hellenistic) astrologers believed in an Ages of Pisces or or an Age of Aquarius any more than they believed in other aspects of modern astrology.
The horns of Venus debate
Part of the Panbabylonian debate concerned whether or not the Babylonians had telescopes, and whether or not the Babylonians had above average eyesight, and could identify the phases of Venus and the 4 largest satellites of Jupiter. The supporters of such claims could not provide an explanation of how the observations were supposedly made. It appears that at some stage in the debate Kugler wanted the Panbabylonists to publish a treatise on the physiology of Babylonian eyes.
The horns of Venus issue (which dates back to the early period of Assyriology) has been dealt with by Johann Schaumberger in his 3. Erganzungsheft (1935, see pages 290ff but especially page 302) of Franz Kugler's Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1907-1924; continued by Schaumberger 1935). The cuneiform term "karnu" (or "karni") is applied to Venus and Mars. Schaumberger does not agree the cuneiform term "karnu" (or "karni") relates to a moon-like shape i.e., "right" or "left" crescent, for either Venus or Mars. According to Schaumberger the Akkadian cuneiform term "karnu" (or "karni") can mean "horn" or can mean "side." Thus the "horn of Venus" is properly interpreted to mean the "side of Venus." Schaumberger mentions the term "karnu" is also applied to Mars but the interpretation cannot be the "horns of Mars." Schaumberger (Page 303, Der Bart der Venus) also explains the "Beard of Venus. "However, this does not confirm that the Babylonians were aware of the 'horns' of the crescent Venus. Johann Schaumberger, "Die Horner der Venus" in Kugler's Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1935) wrote: "[T]he cuneiform texts ... speak of the right or the left horn of Venus. ... [It has been deduced] … the phases of Venus were observed already by the Babylonians ... Galileo, in the [1600s], was not the first to see them."
The satellites of Jupiter issue
It has been argued that Jupiter's four largest moons may have been known to ancient observers. Hugo winckler maintained such in his Panbabylonist claims. Marduk was said to be accompanied by 4 dogs. See: Die Kosmologie der Babylonier by Peter Jensen (1890, Page 131). In Egyptian mythology Horus, or Jupiter, was often associated with his 4 sons. See: Horus, Royal God of Egypt by Samuel Mercer (1942). In classical Greek mythology 4 mythological figures closely connected with Zeus (= the planet Jupiter) are Io, Europa, Ganymede, and Callisto.
Kugler did not support the claim that the 4 largest satellites of Jupiter had been sighted with the unaided eye by ancient Mesopotamian sky observers.
The late generation Mesopotamian god Marduk (conjectured as derived from dAMAR.UTU, "bull calf of the sun god Utu") rose to the position of the head of the Babylonian pantheon, a position he fully acquired by the second half of the 2nd-millennium BCE In the city of Babylon, he resided in the temple Esagila. The origin of Marduk's name may reflect an earlier genealogy, or have had cultural ties to the ancient city of Sippar (whose god was Utu, the sun god), dating back to the 3rd-millennium BCE. It appears Jupiter was associated with Marduk by the Hammurabi period (King Hammurabi reigned from 1792 to 1750 BCE). This was the period when Babylon became the political center of the Euphrates valley. Marduk had 4 dogs as companions and occasionally Marduk was represented by a dog symbol.
A reference to the 4 dogs of Marduk appears at least in the great list of gods/goddesses (An = Anum II 257-260), and also in the content of a lexicographical tablet. An = Anum is an important compendium that lists ancient Mesopotamian gods/goddesses. The god list An = Anum was first compiled in the Middle Babylonian period and consists of a total of 7 tablets. It is a thematic, 2-column list, with the left column containing the names of Sumerian deities, and the right column their Akkadian equivalents. The title is taken from its first entry that names An, the Sumerian sky god, and his Akkadian equivalent Anum.
The 4 dogs of Marduk were the gods dUkkumu "the seizer", dSukkulu (Akkulu) "the devourer", dIkšuda "the capturer", and dIltebu "the pursuer".
However, it is simply speculation, and perhaps coincidence, that the number 4 is associated with gods who are associated with Jupiter. The god Anu, the grandfather of Marduk, creates the 4 winds for Marduk to play with. This is not celestial but atmospheric/meteorological. The dog was also sacred to the Sumerian-Babylonian goddess Bau (Akkadian, Gula) who also came to be identified with Ninisina.
Excursus: The group of 3 astral gods/goddesses - Shamash (the Sun), Nanna/Sin (the Moon), and Inanna/Ištar as Ninsianna (Venus) - whose grouping in iconography (especially kudurru) gives rise to speculation. One form of speculation engaged in by the Panbabylonists was that Venus is counted with the Sun and Moon as a group because Venus has phases like the Moon. However, a suitable review of the evidence does not suggest this. Because of their position in the sky the Sun, Moon, and Venus could oversee the earth and they were patrons of both justice and divination. The Storm-god Adad was also included with the Sun, Moon, and Venus. This is particularly evident in "The prayer to the gods of the night" where the 4 are referred to as "the gods and goddesses of the country." These 4 gods/goddesses are also those who order the 4 chapters/sections of the great divination series Enūma Anu Enlil.
The Middle Babylonian kudurru have some astral symbols (but not constellation symbols). Venus, the Moon, and the Sun are astronomical bodies (not constellations) and their symbols on Middle Babylonian kudurrus are representations of the gods/goddesses of these astronomical bodies: Ishtar, Sin, and Samas (not to be confused with constellations and claims for constellation symbols). There is an established hierarchy on kudurru in which gods/goddesses with the highest rank are placed above the next highest ranking gods/goddesses. That is why these celestial symbols are grouped together near the zenith of the kudurru. (The division into hierarchal zones also appears on cylinder seals.)
It cannot be suitably determined whether the 8-pointed star was intended for Išhtar's symbol (as distinct from its earlier use as Inanna's symbol) or had vaguer astral significance. The star as symbol of the goddess Išhtar was usually 8-pointed and was associated also with the crescent of Sin and the sun-disk of Samas. But the 8-pointed star was often introduced in a sense which had no obvious connection with the goddess, and in such cases it cannot be suitably determined whether it was intended for Išhtar's symbol or had a vaguer astral significance. In addition to the symbols of a number of gods/goddesses there are also images of 3 anthropomorphic gods/goddesses depicted. The identification of these 3 gods/goddesses is deemed uncertain by some. However, Joan Westenholz has pointed out the identification of the god is readily established as Mar-biti (the Kassite god of war and the chase). She has also made the point that it can be confidently inferred that one of the goddesses is Nanaya (a goddess of war and seduction). The other goddess has been proposed as Ištar but as her symbol already appears the other goddess could be the goddess Sutitu, as she is mentioned in the text.
The Nibiru debate
Kugler and Weidner debated whether the term Nibiru was just another name for Mars or for Jupiter.
The bankruptcy of Panbabylonism unaffected by Venus crescent and Jovian satellite observations
Whether or not the ancient Mesopotamians, and others, observed the Crescent of Venus and the 4 largest moons of Jupiter is irrelevant to establishing the wider claims of Panbabylonism i.e., early scientific astronomy by circa 4000 BCE, and knowledge of precession. Also, it is obvious that if actually observed (in rare circumstances involving very favourable conditions) then these observations and this knowledge was never recorded and never incorporated into the body of astronomical knowledge. Further, no Mesopotamian text identifies that Venus at its brightest can cast shadows on Earth.
Kugler's SSB chapter: "Positive Proofs [/Reasons] for the Absence of a Scientific Astronomy before the Eighth Century B.C."
In this chapter of SSB Kugler summed up his criticisms of claims for the establishment of a scientific astronomy in Babylon earlier than the 1st-millennium BCE. It was dedicated mainly to the criticism of Hugo Winckler, Alfred Jeremias, and their allies. Kugler focused his criticism of Panbabylonism around the era of Nebonassar and the fact that no evidence for systematic scientific astronomy existed prior to it. Kugler showed that an early age for developed Babylonian astronomy was untenable. It was not supported by the evidence.
Note: Prior to the studies by Kugler it was thought that a scientific astronomy was developed at at least during the 2nd-millennium BCE in Babylonia. Kugler showed that this belief is without basis. Kugler identified that Babylonian (scientific/mathematical) astronomy was a gradual development between the fall of Nineveh (likely 612 BCE, the ancient capital of the Assyrian empire, modern day Mosul) and the beginning of the Christian era. Kugler also identified the decline of Babylonian astronomy with the conquest of Mesopotamia by the Parthians in the 2nd-century BCE. (Ancient Parthia corresponded roughly to the modern region of Khorāsān, a region of north-eastern Iran. The Parthian empire (247 BCE – 224 CE) was also known as the Arsacid Empire.) According to Kugler the oldest dated genuinely astronomical tablet belongs to the 7th year of Cambyses, i.e. 522 BCE. Morris Jastrow wrote (draft translation): "The fact however is significant that, with perhaps some exceptions, we have in the library of Ashurbanipal representing to a large extent copies from older originals, no text that can properly be called astronomical .... It is certainly significant that the astronomical tablets so far found belong to the latest period, and in fact to the age following on the fall of the Babylonian empire."
See: VII "Positive Gründe für das Fehlen einer wissenschaftlichen Astronomie vor dem VIII. Jahrhundert v. Chr." in Erganzungen I. Teil, 1913, Pages 130-135.
Kugler reviewed the astronomical methods before Nabonassar and gave details explaining that the collection of observational data was not handled systematically. Rough estimates and ideal schemes prevailed, rather than careful observations. Kugler identified that with the Nabonassar era a striking change had occurred in the approach to astronomy. A reform of astronomy was initiated. The change involved establishing astronomy on the basis of careful observations and precise calculations. Kugler concluded that this was influenced by a significant astronomical event. Kugler suggested this event may possibly have been the Jupiter, Venus and Mars conjunction which occurred on December 12, 747 BCE. The first regnal year of Nanonassar was 747 BCE. (Note: The series of systematic observations begun in the era of Nabonassar may have first dealt with lunar eclipses.)
The proofs discussed in a summary manner are:
(1) Only from the 8th-century BCE are Babylonian astronomers concerned with calculating basic data that should have been known for a long time if they had been pursuing scientific astronomy. They were trying to determine basic matters as the exact location of the vernal (spring) equinox and the system of intercalations necessary to obtain a calendar corresponding to the solar year. Note: The introduction of a reliable calendar is a prerequisite for even elementary astronomy. The adoption of a new calendar – comprising of 365 days – by the Assyrians in 747 BCE, matches the regnal year of Nabonassar (the new calendar of 365 days obviously being introduced by Nabonassar).
(2) Only from the 8th-century BCE did they begin to keep accurate records of eclipses. The list of solar eclipses only starts with the year 721 BCE. (The list of solar eclipses later preserved by the Hellenistic astronomer Claudius Ptolemy begins with the year 721 BCE.)
(3) Although the planets had been identified as such for at least 1000 years, in the 8th-century BCE the science of planetary motions (per arithmetrical calculations) was at its very beginning.
The valuable ephemerides tablet Strassmaier Kambyses 400, dated 523 BCE, was regarded by Kugler as the (then) oldest known document of the scientific astronomy of the Babylonians.
Working against the high antiquity of scientific astronomy in Babylonia is the fact that in the Old Babylonian omen literature the Babylonians used to predict eclipses by the risings, settings, and colours of the planets, and by liver- and oil-divination, and astronomical omens such as halos, and fog. (See: Antike Beobachtungen farbiger Sterne by Franz Boll (1916, Page 24); "Babylonian Celestial Divination." by Erica Reiner. In: Ancient Astronomy and Celestial Divination edited by Noel Swerdlow. (1999, Pages 21-37; Page 23); Observations and Predictions of Eclipse Times by Early Astronomers by John Steele (2000); and "Eclipse Prediction in Mesopotamia." by John Steele (Archive for History of Exact Sciences, Volume 54, Number 5, February, 2000, Pages 421-454; See Page 426).) Not until the Assyrian period were attempts made to predict eclipses using sound astronomical knowledge. Circa the early 7th-century BCE lunar eclipses could be predicted only shortly before their occurrence. By circa 600 BCE methods of predicting eclipses of the sun and moon (months and times) had been developed. There is no evidence that the Babylonians possessed a physical theory of eclipses. Babylonian astronomy of the last 5 centuries BCE was an observational and mathematical technique/endeavour without concern for causal explanations.
Throughout their history the Sumerians, Babylonians and Assyrians made no effort to understand or calculate the solar year.
Note: Kugler (1924; Pages 362-371, 422-430) thought that the establishment of the 19-year cycle was a discovery dating to to the reign of Nabonassar in the mid 8th-century BCE. Later, Neugebauer (1975; Pages 354-357) opposed this.
No exact system of chronology before the 8th-century BCE
One fact pregnant with consequences is that before the 8th-century BCE no scientific astronomy was possible owing owing to the absence of one indispensable condition, namely, the possession of an exact system of chronology. The old calendar that was already in use circa the year 3000 BCE was composed of 12 lunar months. But as 12 lunar months make only 354 days, a 13th month was from time to time (arbitrarily) inserted to bring the dates at which the festivals recurred each year into harmony with the seasons. It was only little by little that greater precision was attained by observing at what date the helical rising of certain fixed stars took place. So inaccurate a computation of time allowed no precise calculations and consequently of no astronomy worthy of the name. In fact, during the first 20 or 30 centuries of Mesopotamian history nothing is found but empirical observations that were intended to chiefly indicate omens. The early observers could employ only such methods as did not necessitate the recording of periodic phenomena. For instance, the determination of the 4 cardinal points by means of the rising and setting of the sun, for use in the orientation of temples, was known from the very earliest antiquity.
Kugler's proposal of Nabonassar era
In modern historiography, the conception of a "Nabonassar Era" was first put forward by Kugler in SSB2 (1924) where he first summed up the case for and against the existence of a Nabonassar era. (See: "(Anhang I) Der Ursprung der Ära Nabonassars [(Annex I) The origin of the Nabonassars era]," SSB 2 Buch. 2 Teil. 2 Heft, 1924, Pages 162-171.) Basing himself on the Greek testimony, the Babylonian Chronicle ("Chronicle B") and the eighteen-year-cycle text (so-called Saros-tablet), Kugler concluded that, as Berossus hinted, a new era of astronomy began in Babylon with Nabonassar, and that Ptolemy availed himself of an era, beginning with Nabonassar, that already existed for an extended period. Kugler did not try to explain why the concern with exact measurement and accurate figures should have begun with the era of Nabonassar. (Kugler demonstrated by a series of examples that in earlier texts entire series of elaborate calculations are founded on basic data that are preposterous, such as a date of the spring equinox which is off by several days.) The issue was then largely forgotten until taken up again in 1960 by historians who had more cuneiform evidence to deal with. As of circa 2015 it is disputed whether there actually existed a short-lived Nabonassar Era, initiated by the Babylonian king Nabu-nasir (reigned 747-734 BCE), and mentioned in the writings of Berossus and Ptolemy. Hallo, 1988, argued in favor of its historicity. (See: "The Concept of Ersa from Nabonassar to Seleucus." by William Hallo (The Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society, Volume 16-17, 1984-1985, Pages 143-151).) Note: An era is system of chronology involving an extended span of time reckoned from a specific date. A calendar era indicates an extended span of years which are numbered beginning at a specific reference date (epoch), which often marks the origin of a political state or cosmology, dynasty, ruler, the birth of a leader, or another significant historical or mythological event. It is generally called (named) after its focus. The Era of Nabonassar: It is indicated that this king's reign was fixed upon by Babylonian astronomers as the era from which they began their chronological calculations. This indicates there was some distinguished event - perhaps the temporary establishment of Babylon as an independent kingdom - which led to this decision. The "Nabonassar Era" serves, in astronomical terms, the same purpose as the Olympiads in civil history. It was the starting point of the Babylonian chronology, and was adopted by the Greeks of Alexandria, by Hipparchus, Berosus, and Ptolemy.
Kugler's ideas on the introduction of cycles
The conventional system of 19 year cycles, beginning with Nabonassar was, not supported by Kugler in his concluding volume of SSB. Kugler (SSB 2, Part 2, Fasc. 2 (1924, Pages 422 ff.) argued for no cycle before 528 BCE, an 8-year cycle from 528 to 505, a 27 year cycle from 504 to 383, and a 19 year cycle from 382 on.
Kugler's debating style with Panbabylonists
Kugler's debating style with the Panbabylonists included scorn and 'violence of expression' (vehemence). This is something that Kugler regretted later in life.
James Craig's inexpert comments on Kugler
The Canadian assyriologist James Craig (1855-1932) opposed conclusions reached by Kugler. Major works by Craig: The Monolith Inscription of Salmaneser II (1887). Assyrian and Babylonian religious texts (AB 13) (1895-1897). Astrological-astronomical texts copied from the original tablets in the British Museum (AB 14) (1899). Teaching career of Craig: Ph.D., University of Leipzig, 1886 (under F. Delitzsch) Professor of Oriental Languages, University of Michigan, 1893-1912 Professor of Oriental Languages, McGill University and University of Toronto.
Source: "Book Reviews and Notes. The Hilprecht Anniversary Volume." Book Review by James Craig. The Monist, Volume 21, Number 2, April 1911, Pages 309-318; Page 316. The Hilprecht Anniversary Volume was published 1911. At that time assyriology was still a most difficult field of study. Craig, obviously influence by Panbabylonism, was in error with his comments against Kugler.
Some little-known, interesting articles mentioning Kugler in relation to Bibel-Babel/Panbabylonism.
Jampel, S. (1910). "Neueste exegetische Methoden." [Latest
exegetical methods] (Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des
Judentums, Jahrg. 54 (N. F. 18), H. 7/8 (Juli/August), Pages 385-399).
Küchler, Friedrich. (1911). "Die „altorientalische Weltanschauung“ und ihr Ende." [The "ancient Oriental worldview" and its end.] (Theologische Rundschau, Volume 14, Number 6, Pages 237-247).
Both essays are supportive of Kugler.
Part 16: Mathematical Astronomy
In astronomy, ephemerides are made in order to predict future phenomena. An ephemeris (plural: ephemerides) from Latin and Greek meaning "diary"/"journal," gives the positions of naturally occurring astronomical objects in the sky at a given time or times. Historically, positions were given as tables of values, given at regular intervals of date and time.
The assyriologist and orientalist Lubor Matouš wrote: "In his excellent work "Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel" P. Kugler has laid the fundamental basis for a better understanding of Babylonian astronomy by his ingenious explanation of the so-called ephemerides, i.e. the lists indicating the positions of the sun, the moon, and the planets. (See the (English-language) book review by Lubor Matouš in Archiv Orientálí, Volume 25, 1957, Page 501.) However, Neugebauer has identified that Kugler made numerous mistakes in the restoration of damaged ephemerides.
Source: Otto Neugebauer, Astronomical Cuneiform Texts Part 1, 1955, Page 27, Note 6.
Kugler showed that the ephemerides fall into two categories: System A and System B (which he called Systems II and I). The classification of the ephemerides into the two "Systems," A and B, is based on the different way in which the solar anomaly is accounted for i.e., step function versus linear zigzag function. Each System consists of a set of arithmetic functions tabulated in columns in ephemerides and auxiliary tables, which enable the calculation of the times and dates of the syzygies and the magnitudes of eclipses. In System A the sun is assumed to move with constant velocity on two complementary arcs of the ecliptic (an arithmetical simplification which is not in accord with observation). In System B the successive positions of the sun are listed month by month, though these numbers do not form an arithmetic series because the velocity of the sun is not constant.
System A appears to have been created in the second half of the 5th-century BCE. System B, which is the simpler of the two, was probably created after System A had been created. Both systems were used until the advent of the Christian era, not only in Babylon but also in Uruk.
Four fragments of an ephemeris for Venus were discovered by Strassmaier in 1891 in the Spartoli Collection of the British Museum. He copied them in his notebook and sent second copies to Epping; eventually they reached Kugler.
Kugler believed that the construction of ephemerides (accurate computation) was primary evidence of the establishment of scientific mathematical astronomy. Note: The work of Otto Neugebauer shows there is no evidence of empirical corrections within ephemerides. They remained a calculated scheme.
Kugler's occasional lack of clarity
Not all that Kugler published was clearly written. Albert Olmstead wrote: "This work of Nabu-rimanni is given in more detail, since others may find the same difficulties I have felt in understanding Kugler's presentation." (See: "Babylonian Astronomy - Historical Sketch [Part I]." in The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Volume 55, Number 2, April, 1938, Pages 113-129, Page 129, Footnote 32). It relates to Kugler's discussion in SSB of lunar tables calculated by Nabu-rimanni. The names of only 5 Mesopotamian astronomers are known, and they are of the late period: Nabu-rimanni (flourished 490 BCE). Using System A he calculated lunar ephemerides, but may not have devised the system.
The lunar ephemerides far outnumber all planetary texts.
The lunar ephemerides were cuneiform tablets divided into a number of columns. The columns were merely columns of figures. Their decipherment was simple enough - their interpretation was not. The task of problem-solving/interpreting their meaning was unlike problem-solving/interpreting the of algebraic texts, which can be accomplished from their context and by comparison with modern methods of solution. The lunar ephemerides tables contain no clue to their significance and might be referring to any possible set of observations. The initial solving of the problem was accomplished by Joseph Epping and the detailed solving of the problem was accomplished by Franz Kugler.
Die Babylonische Mondrechnung
The history of ancient astronomy changed at the beginning of the 20th-century with the publication of Kugler's, Die Babylonische Mondrechnung (1900), and again at mid-century with Neugebauer's, ACT (1955). Kugler's initial research results were completely unexpected. His ability to deal with the very difficult issues was enabled by his being an expert/competent mathematician, astronomer, and assyriologist; a rare combination that had not been previously seen. In DBM 1900), Kugler developed in great detail his discoveries in lunar theory.
Kugler's DBM presented for the first time an explanation of the methods and achievements of Babylonian astronomy of the Hellenistic period. "From Greek sources nothing beyond the mere existence of a Babylonian mathematical astronomy can be inferred. It was not until the late 1870's that Strassmaier copied astronomical tablets in the British Museum and that Epping succeeded in deciphering the essential terms, in determining the epoch of the Seleucid Era and in reaching many other results which led him to the correct understanding of large parts of two lunar ephemerides (our Nos. 120 and 122). A few years later appeared Kugler's "Babylonische Mondrechnung" (1900), which developed in great detail his discoveries in the lunar theory. Here one finds the complete discussion of the computation of the syzygies according to System B (called "System I" by Kugler) and the explanation of the most essential features of System A (Kugler: "II"). What remained to be done after the publication of Kugler's work was mainly to supplement the theory of the syzygies by the theory of last and first visibility and to develop the investigation of the theory of the eclipses, already successfully begun by Kugler. The first problem was solved by Father J. Schaumberger while the theory of latitude is the subject of several publications by the present author and others. The present edition of the whole textual material is based on these results but is not intended to give a consistent analysis of Babylonian lunar theory." (Neugebauer, ACT, Page 42.)
Kugler tackled DBM with care and diligence. Kugler worked on this book during 1899 (and completed it at the end of that year). Likely he also worked on it during 1898. The texts used date to the last 3 centuries BCE. Kugler's progress with the material was quite rapid. Kugler's monumental work on the Babylonian theory of the moon appeared in 1900 (Die Babylonische Mondrechnung [Babylonian Theory of the Moon]) and that of the planets in 1907 (Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Volume 1 [Development of Babylonian Planetary Knowledge]). Volume 2 and supplements of SSB basically contain essays on a variety of topics relating to Babylonian astronomy.
Pioneering contributors to the understanding of Babylonian lunar theory were Johann Strassmaier, Joseph Epping, Joseph Hontheim, Augustus Lorenz, Franz Kugler, and Johann Schaumberger. Both Epping and Kugler obtained excellent results for understanding System B of the computation of lunar ephemerides. Amongst other things Joseph Epping identified an ephemeris of positions of the Moon. The so-called cuneiform "lunar ephemerides" and "planetary ephemerides" date predominately to the Hellenistic period. They were first studied by Epping. Later, Franz Kugler (DBM, 1900) examined a large number of Ephemerides of the Moon.
Extracted from Kugler's "Vorbemerkungen" (Preliminary remarks) in DBM (1900): Kugler states that his investigation is mathematical and astronomical rather than simply the broader context of Assyriology. His 1st focus was Babylonian lunar theory. Kugler faced numerous unknown mathematical and astronomical terms, as well as arithmetic operations. However, he also gave some time to his 2nd focus which was Babylonian planetary theory. Both investigations were based exclusively on cuneiform texts in the British Museum that had been copied by Strassmaier. Kugler acknowledges Strassmaier's skill as a copyist but regrets that Strassmaier's prolonged illness prevented his further philological participation. Kugler acknowledges he is grateful for the remarks Strassmaier included with his copies of drawings when originally made. Kugler has made use of already established decipherments of cuneiform signs relating to astronomy, but also welcomes improvements. Kugler is clear that the cuneiform signs themselves formed the basis for his present studies (and some transcriptions are only provisional). For Kugler, careful collation is important. Changes in transcription can be due to errors in copying and collation. Kugler also recognises the difficulties of producing an absolutely correct autograph copy of a cuneiform text. In his astronomical preparations Kugler cites the first volume of the 2-volume classic Handbook of Mathematical and Technical Chronology by Ludwig Ideler (1825-1826).
For DBM Kugler worked from transcriptions by Strassmaier. Like Epping in 1881, Kugler took BM 34580 [the 'Crescent Table'] as the starting point for his study. The group of texts comprising ephemerides from Babylon includes the main body from which Kugler derived his discussion of System B. Columns A to L of the text [No. 122 BM 34580 + BM 42690 ( = SH 81-7-6,272 + SH 81-7-6,277 + SH 81-7-6,331 + SH 81-7-6,333 + SH 81-7-6,386 + SH 81-7-6,589 + Sp.II,52 + Sp.II,75 + 81-7-1,454)] form the corner-stone of Kugler's investigation of System B in his DBM (1900). All these texts come from Babylon and are of relatively late date.
In 1899 (and published the following year) Kugler's further analysis of Babylonian lunar theory (the tabulated data employed in computing the moon's place), revealed the striking fact that the four lunar periods - the synodic, sidereal, anomalistic, and draconitic months - were substantially adopted by Hipparchus from his Babylonian predecessors. In DBM Franz Kugler made the first identification and analysis of Systems A and B (which he called Systems II and I) of Babylonian lunar theory. Kugler's recovery of Babylonian lunar theory in his Die Babylonische Mondrechnung was described by Noel Swerdlow (Ancient Astronomy and Celestial Divination (1999)) as "the finest, the most original, and the most difficult study carried out in the history of science up to the date of its publication." It was certainly a milestone in recovering understanding of the nature of Babylonian astronomy. In DBM Kugler showed that the lunar ephemerides fall into 2 categories: now called System A, and System B. Kugler also made the first identification of the relation of the parameters of System B to the lunar theory of Hipparchus and Ptolemy. In his Babylonische Mondrechnung (1900), Kugler provided for the first time direct evidence of the transmission of Babylonian mathematical astronomy into Greece – the mean length of the synodic month attributed by Ptolemy to Hipparchus being identical with the value found in what is now called the Babylonian 'System B' lunar theory.
In his DBM Kugler acknowledges the joint work of Joseph Epping, Joseph Hontheim, and Augustus Lorenz in identifying aspects on Babylonian lunar theory (i.e., the interpretation of several columns (F and G and data in L) of a System B lunar tablet - Neulicht-Tablet Number 272 (81-7-6). Commentators state they enabled an understanding of Columns H and J. I presently cannot reconcile the differences.
Note: Circa 1890 Epping was receiving decipherment assistance from Hontheim and Lorenz acting independently. Augustus Lorenz is briefly discussed by Epping in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 39, Heft 3, 1890, Pages 225 and 237. At that time Augustus Lorenz was a Parish Administrator (Pfarradministrator), Rector at a branch church in Groß-Leubusch (= the district of Greater Laubusch?). He sent Epping detailed and insightful comments to Epping on his book Astronomisches aus Babylon, and also an article (about the ephemerides table for the moon). Lorenz helped provide a method for understanding table columns C1 and C2 (as apparently did Hontheim).
The ephemerides fall into two classes, called System A and System B, characterized initially by the method of tabulating solar motion. The purpose of Babylonian lunar ephemerides is the prediction of the time of first visibility of the new moon after conjunction with the sun.
It was Kugler who showed that the ephemerides fall into two categories: (1) System A, in which the sun is assumed to move with constant velocity, and (2) System B characterized by the use of linear zigzag functions. Kugler also identified that System A is in general more primitive and therefore older than System B. The characteristic difference between the 2 systems is the assumption made concerning the solar movement (velocity) during the year. The essential improvement of System B over the simpler System A is the mathematical solution for monthly variations in solar movement (velocity). However, because Systems A and B exhibit close similarities a dependence between them is indicated and also both are indicated as dating to the same peak period of Babylonian astronomy i.e., Macedonian-Seleucid period.
Babylonian lunar theory exists in two distinct forms, now known as System A and System B. Kugler's book contains a complete discussion of the computation of the syzygies according to System B (called "System I" by Kugler), and an explanation of the most essential features of System A (called "System II" by Kugler). In his investigations Kugler largely focused on System B. This was because Epping's autograph of BM 34066 provided him with an almost complete ephemeris for the new moons of two years computed according to System B. The recovery of System A presented an immense challenge. René Taton (Ancient and Medieval Science (English-language translation 1963)) states: "In his discovery of System A Kugler had a difficult task as there was no master text and he was starting from scratch." As the relevant ephemerides were in a poorly preserved state Kugler was obliged to recover the main features of System A primarily from a text for lunar eclipses. This text only provided the elements at either six or five month intervals.
The classification of the ephemerides into the two "Systems," A and B, is based on the different way in which the solar anomaly is accounted for i.e., step function versus linear zigzag function. Each System consists of a set of arithmetic functions tabulated in columns in ephemerides and auxiliary tables, which enable the calculation of the times and dates of the syzygies and the magnitudes of eclipses. In System A the sun is assumed to move with constant velocity on two complementary arcs of the ecliptic (an arithmetical simplification which is not in accord with observation). In System B the successive positions of the sun are listed month by month, though these numbers do not form an arithmetic series because the velocity of the sun is not constant.
Kugler analyzed a large number of ephemerides of the Moon to make the identification that they can be divided into two systems. His identification and analysis of System I (which Otto Neugebauer later renamed System B) was based primarily on columns A to L of cuneiform text BM 34066, dated to the Seleucid Era 103 to 101 BCE. His identification of System II (which Otto Neugebauer later renamed System A) was laboriously reconstructed from multiple fragments of Babylonian lunar ephemerides (he relied primarily on BM 45688 (a large and well preserved text), which lists only oppositions which are lunar eclipse possibilities) and a procedure text BM 32651 (which contains the rules for the computation of several columns of the lunar ephemerides of System A). An excerpt of the entries in an ephemeris of Full Moons was the first text to be investigated by Kugler that contained System A. Relying primarily on SH 81-7-6, 93 (the old inventory/registration number, later BM 45688), which lists only oppositions which are lunar eclipse possibilities, Kugler was able to successfully identify System A (see: 1900, Pages 55-88, and 1907, Pages 15-202).
System A appears to have been created in the second half of the 5th-century BCE. System B, which is the simpler of the two, was probably created after System A had been created. Both systems were used until the advent of the Christian era, not only in Babylon but also in Uruk. The colophon of two Babylonian System B lunar ephemerides from Babylon say that they are the tersitu of Kidinnu (flourished 4th century BCE?); now usually considered to be the inventor of System B.
Regarding BM 34066. Strassmaier's copy of his original autograph originally went to Epping; on Epping's death it was passed to Hontheim; then when Kugler succeeded Hontheim to investigate Babylonian astronomy it was passed to Kugler. It was decoded with some success by Epping and Hontheim (and Lorenz). Kugler also added to their success.
It was Kugler's work in 1899 (published in 1900) that identified that the synodic, sidereal, anomalistic, and draconitic months were substantially adopted by the Greek astronomer Hipparchus from his Babylonian predecessors.
English Mechanic and World of Science and Art, Friday, May 8, 1903, Number 1989, Page 276.
The short article from Anon (the Editor?) in the English Mechanic and World of Science states: (1) Strassmaier deciphered the cuneiform inscriptions used by Kugler in DBM [however, many of the texts were simply numbers], and (2) Kugler had already stated by at least early 1903 that he would produce a work on Babylonian planetary theory [undoubtedly being worked on in addition to his attention to Babel-Bibel (Delitzsch) and Panbabylonism (Winckler-Jeremias) issues].
A long citation of Peter Jensen's review of Epping's AaB is given by Kugler in his Introduction to DBM (Pages v-vi).
Debt of Greek mathematical astronomy to Babylonian mathematical astronomy
It was only when Franz Kugler discovered in 1900 (Die Babylonische Mondrechnung [Babylonian Theory of the Moon]) that Hipparchus' (one of the greatest ancient Greek astronomers) precise value for the mean synodic month was borrowed from the Babylonians (Babylonian "System B" for the Moon) was it recognised just how much Greek mathematical astronomy to the Babylonians.
Kugler's investigation of Babylonian planetary theory
After publication of DBM, Kugler investigated Babylonian planetary astronomy. His results were published in SSB1 (1907). Any perceived slowness was likely due to his time spent dealing with Panbabylonism and the Babel-Bibel controversy. His actual starting date for investigating Babylonian planetary astronomy is unknown but perhaps several years after publication of DBM. SSB1 dealt mainly with - as its title stated (Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. I. Buch: Entwickelung der babylonischen Planetenkunde von ihren Anfängen bis auf Christus) - the development of Babylonian planetary science from its beginnings to the time of Christ.
There is a lack of surviving material on Babylonian planetary theory. The foundation for our understanding of the planetary texts was laid by Franz Kugler and Antonie Pannekoek. Later contributions were due to Paul Schnabel and Bartel van der Waerden.As example: Kugler succeeded in explaining the calculation of the position's of Jupiter's cardinal points. Later, Pannekoek and van der Waerden found the rules used for the calculation of the corresponding dates. Kugler was the first to discover the major general principles of Babylonian planetary theory. (The principles of Babylonian planetary theory were initially discoverable by comparing records of of the positions of the planets at different times in different constellations.) Some preliminary comments appeared in DBM published in 1900. The detailed exposition was set out in SSB1 published in 1907. Kugler succeeded in explaining the main points of of the methods of calculation of the Babylonian planetary tables for Mercury, Venus, Jupiter, and Saturn. The theory of Mars was not reconstructed until much later. System A for Mars was first analysed by Kugler in SSB2 (Pages 580-581) using ACT 501 (= AO 6481, from Uruk) (a fragmentary ephemerides with a synodic table for mars).
Babylonian planetary theory follows exactly the pattern of lunar theory. When Kugler began his investigation of Babylonian planetary there were only a small number of relevant text known (i.e., procedure texts, ephemerides, and observational texts). This gave the impression of a relatively small number of well defined methods, the foremost example being Jupiter. As an increasing number of planetary texts slowly became available the identification of the number of variant methods for dealing with planetary phenomena also increased. (During the late period of Babylonian mathematical astronomy various different predictive methods were in use at the same time, and all were considered equally legitimate.)
The term 'ephemerides' is Neugebauer's ('cardinal tables' is another term); Kugler recognized them as showing the highest stage of Babylonian astronomy. Almost all lunar and planetary ephemerides date from the 3rd to the 1st centuries BCE The so-called 'Goal-Year' texts are contemporary with the ephemerides. The Babylonian astronomers were interested in Ephemerides (perhaps for priestly reasons i.e., rituals); not in developing geometrical theories.
The foundations for the understanding of Babylonian planetary texts was due to Kugler and Pannekoek. Later contributions were made by Schnabel and van der Waerden.
However, Kugler never proceeded to investigate how the various Babylonian planetary theories were formulated. He had begun to focus his attention on chronology. This question has only recently begun to be addressed. In his book, The Babylonian Theory of the Planets, Noel Swerdlow has attempted to show how the fundamental parameters of Babylonian planetary theory could have been derived from the observations recorded in the astronomical diaries. Swerdlow believes that by manipulating observations of the length of time between two successive rising or setting phenomena - known as synodic time - "was the way the Babylonians derived the parameters of their mathematical astronomy." He can see no plausible alternative.
Part 17: Procedure Texts, Jupiter Texts
There are 2 important classes of texts in Babylonian mathematical astronomy: ephemerides and procedure texts. Kugler was very interested in understanding both the ephemerides and the procedure texts. Procedure texts comprise the smaller group of recovered texts. Babylonian procedure texts are instructional texts that systematically describe arithmetical procedures to compute the time and place of significant astronomical events (i.e., construct ephemerides). The earliest edition of a procedure text was the fragment BM 32651 (fragment number 53) which was published by Kugler in his book Die Babylonische Mondrechnung (1900). This tablet still remains the largest and most important procedure text for lunar system A.
The Jupiter texts
Of the planet ephemerides published in Neugebauer's ACT (1955) those dealing with Jupiter comprise the greater number. Also, of the some 100 planetary procedure texts from the Seleucid period the large majority relate to Jupiter.
Kugler was the first to undertake the complicated investigation of the Jupiter texts (tables) and his results were published in 1907 in SSB1. In SSB1, Kugler's analysis identified 3 types of Jupiter tables - what are now termed System A, A', and B. The ephemerides texts used were ACT 502, 503, 507, 610, 611, 612, 621, 622, 623, and the procedure texts used were ACT 810, and 813. The earliest record of Jupiter is from Babylonian texts dating from the 7th or 8th century BCE.
Note: Jupiter and other planetary texts were introduced briefly by Kugler at the end of his DBM. In DBM he briefly described 3 systems for Jupiter. The Indologist George Thibaut (1848-1914) - noted for his contributions to the understanding of ancient Indian mathematics and astronomy - had already noted in the Pancasiddhantikd the Babylonian fundamental period relation for Jupiter agreed with those given in the Babylonian planetary texts of the Seleucid period and in 1901 cryptically informed Kugler. See: Archives Internationales D'histoire Des Sciences, Volume 8, 1955; Indian Journal of History of Science, Volume 20, 1985.
Kugler determined the date of one text concerning the daily motion of Jupiter by comparison with other texts which contained the same phenomena.
A text which covered in about 400 lines one complete synodic period of Jupiter has been methodically recovered by the efforts of Kugler, Neugebauer, and Huber. (See: "Zur täglichen Bewegung des Jupiter nach babylonischen Texten." by Peter Huber (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie, Band 18, 1957, Pages 265–303).)
Part 18: Kugler's Plan For SSB
Kugler's original plan for Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel
Kugler's large work SSB, begun in 1907, was foreshadowed in 1900 by his DBM. Kugler followed up his DBM by beginning his large work (SSB) with planetary theory. The 2 standard studies of Babylonian astronomy by Kugler comprise Die Babylonische Mondrechnung (1900), and Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, I Buch, Babylonische Planetenkunde (1907).
The plan for the volumes and content of Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel was set out by the publisher in a (2-page) leaflet authored by Franz Kugler and published in 1907 along with Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen von Franz Xaver Kugler S. J. I. Buch: Entwicklung der babylonischen Planetenkunde von ihren Aufängen bis auf Christus. XVI und 292 Seiton in Lex. 8° nebst 24 keilinschriftl. Beilagen Mk. 32, - .
Loose draft translation of greater part of leaflet: The completed work will encompass 4 volumes. The main purpose of Volume I is already expressed in the title. Additional volumes will also deal with a range of issues and comprise contents which are partly astronomical, partly meteorological, some chronological, some astral mythological, and some of a linguistic nature. Volume 1 includes a detailed glossary, name directory and astronomical index. In terms of astronomy and chronology it includes the decipherment and explanation of the 34 tablets included as plates. Fragments from the last 700 years BC are the most important. Before the middle of the 8th-century BC there was no scientific astronomy and chronology in Babylon (or Assyria). The examination of the older astronomical and astrological texts (and astral mythological texts) is particularly difficult because of the vagueness of the information. However, their relevance for the study of Babylonian religion is significant. The 2nd volume is titled: Die Chronologie der Babylonier (ihre astronomisch-mythologische Grundlage und ihre technische Ausgestaltung). (Kugler clearly intended the 2nd volume of SSB would deal with chronology.) Volume 3 will provide an examination of the types of gods and cults of Babylonian religion. The 4th volume will deal with all astronomical and meteorological observations with special emphasis on the observation of lunar and solar eclipses. A key appendix on the Babylonian calculation of lunar eclipses and new moons is envisaged as a completion of Babylonische Mondrechnung (1900). Volumes II and III will include repeated opportunity to provide comments on the important question of whether and how, and to what extent, there could be a relationship of Old and New Testaments to the religious beliefs, cults, and forms of worship of ancient Mesopotamia. Each volume forms a complete whole for itself as far as possible and will contain detailed indices.
See also Kugler's Vorwort in SSB1 (1907, Pages VII-XI) for his explanation of the intended content of the SSB volumes. In his Vorwort to SSB1 1907, Kugler writes "the 4 volumes will be about the astronomy, meteorology, chronology, astrology and astral religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians." By the terms astral cults and astral religion it is rather certain that Kugler meant astral religion and astral omens/astrology. (Quite often, Babylonian planet names tend to have the determinative for god/goddess. (See: Kugler, SSB1, 1907, Page 62).)
Kugler indicated there can be no question of a relationship of Old and New Testaments to the religious beliefs of worship of ancient Mesopotamia.
Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel
Sternkunde und Stemdienst in Babel, issued in 7 parts from 1907 to
1924, was Kugler's monumental work. It is the life work of a distinguished
scholar. Kugler's SSB is still referred to as the standard work on
Babylonian astronomy and astrology, and astronomical chronology. In his
publications Kugler provided extensive information on astronomical, astrological
and chronological issues.
Kugler's key publication includes his monumental Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (2 Volumes and 2 Supplements in 6 Parts, 1907-1924). Title page of volume 1 of Kugler's multi-volume (but uncompleted) masterwork on Babylonian astronomy, Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel [literally, Star Knowledge and Star Worship in Babylon, but also translated as Star Science and Star Lore in Babylon / Science and Religion of the Stars in Babylon / Astronomy and Astrology in Babylon]. The 1st volume of SSB, dealing largely with planetary theory, appeared in 1907. The 2nd volume, dealing with a range of topics, was issued in installments 1909, 1912, and 1924. Kugler also issued 2 Ergänzungshfte (supplementary fascicles), Teil 1 published 1913 and Teil II published 1914, to both volumes of his SSB. Many of the most important Babylonian astronomical tablets to come to Kugler's notice are reproduced in cuneiform and phonetic transcriptions, accompanied by German translations and explanatory discussions, in SSB.
Plate 22 (drawings 24 and 25) in Kugler's SSB1.
Kugler stated the first 2 volumes of SSB would deal with observational data (and chronology) and would be followed by a 3rd volume dealing with mythology and cosmological concepts. A 4th (and final) volume would deal with observational texts. (By the time of publication of SSB1, Kugler was well familiar with observational texts. In SSB1 he gives many quotes from observational texts.) However, after 1914 Kugler suspended the publication of SSB. Only Part 2 of Volume 2 appeared, in 1924. It was undoubtedly conceived as a continuation of his Babylonian astronomy studies begun with his 1900 publication Die Babylonische Mondrechnung. There is no reason to believe that SSB was conceived as an adjunct to his criticisms of the tenets of Panbabylonism.
Volume 1 comprises Franz Kugler's masterful identification and analysis of Babylonian planetary theory. This first volume of the monumental Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (2 volumes and 3 supplements in 7 parts, 1907-1935 (and corrective sheets occasionally issued)) served to complement his earlier study of Babylonian lunar theory. (I have seen a single mention of the existence of theses corrective sheets for SSB. I would have expected them to be amongst Wilhelm Gundel's SSB material, but this is not the case.) All appeared in the same format. In his introduction to SSB1 Kugler informs his readers that the purely astronomical and chronological investigations set out in his book rely mainly on the previously unpublished cuneiform descriptions that had been copied by Johann Strassmaier SJ during his years of work at the British Museum, and are now being made available for the first time. Copies are very difficult to come by on the used book market. Like nearly all of Kugler's work it was never translated into English. To some extent, after 1914 Kugler suspended the publication of SSB (at least along the lines he had originally announced for it). From its inception he had announced that the first 2 volumes, would deal with late 'scientific' astronomy and chronological data, and would be followed by a third volume dealing with mythology and cosmological concepts. The third volume (and the forth) was never published (and likely he never began work on SSB 3 as planned but only SSB 4 (but intending it to be issued as SSB 3). His publication in 1927 of the booklet entitled Sybillinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung [= The Sybilline Battle of the Stars and Phaethon Seen as Natural History] was unrelated to SSB.
Babylonian planetary theory had less ambitious goals than those for lunar theory. Babylonian planetary theory consisted of predicting the longitudes and dates of the principal synodic phenomena (i.e., synodic phases) for each planet. Babylonian planetary theory appears less sophisticated and less complete in comparison to lunar theory but this appears to have been a more matter of choice than of knowledge. The results had lesser importance than for lunar theory and so the motivation for the time-consuming calculations was absent.
The contents of later volumes (supplements) of SSB basically comprise collected papers/articles on a variety of subjects relating to the material he had examined on Babylonian astronomy (including the identification of the Babylonian constellations listed in Mul.Apin tablet 1). Kugler was an important early scholar for establishing the text of Mul.Apin (SSB, 1913). Note: It was not until 1981 that Hunger/Pingree published a complete edition of of both both tablets comprising Mul.Apin. During his later years Kugler devoted less time to Babylonian astronomy and transferred his attention to problems of chronology (including biblical chronology).
Kugler's pioneering work on Babylonian astronomy was never completed. Kugler planned for his Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel to be completed in 4 volumes. Between 1907 and 1924 he completed 2 volumes including 2 supplements, in 6 parts. (The publication of an SSB 3 (III. Buch.) was anticipated after the completed publication of SSB 2 (II. Buch.) in 1924, but never eventuated. The cover page of SSB II. Teil. 2. Heft (1924), carried the descriptor "(SCHLUSS DES BUCHES [= Conclusion of the book])." The wider SSB project had been abandoned in favour of his pursuit of chronological matters. Kugler's Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) demonstrated his later (time-consuming) distraction with chronological issues.) The contents of SSB consist essentially in the edition (reproduction), interpretation (transliteration and translation), and numerical analysis of cuneiform astronomical records. It was never completed as planned and not all of his extant notes to comprise the book were published. Some of Kugler's unpublished material was later published, and where necessary, completed and published, by Johann Schaumberger, in a third supplement to SSB and also later articles.
Sources for Kugler's intended scope of SSB are limited. They include (1) an advertising leaflet for Kugler's SSB, and (2) Schaumberger's 'Begleitwort' in Kugler's SSB, 3. Ergänzungsheft (1935).
The Venus tablet of Ammisaduqa
The Venus tablet of Ammisaduqa (Enuma Anu Enlil Tablet 63) refers to the record of astronomical observations of Venus, as preserved in numerous cuneiform tablets dating from the 1st millennium BCE. It is believed that this astronomical record was first compiled during the reign of King Ammisaduqa (or Ammizaduga), the 4th ruler after Hammurabi. The origins of this text are generally dated to circa the mid-17th century BCE.
So-called "Venus" tablet K.160 was first published in 1870 by Henry Rawlinson and George Smith as tablet 63, in "Tablet of Movements of the Planet Venus and their Influences" (The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Volume III). The tablet's possible significance for corroborating Babylonian chronology was first recognised by Franz Kugler in 1912, when he could identify the enigmatic term "Year of the Golden Throne" and identify it with the 8th year of the reign of Ammisaduqa.
The so-called Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa is the (damaged) 63rd tablet of the astronomical omen series Enuma Anu Enlil. Tablet 63 of Enuma Anu Enlil is the last tablet of the section on Venus. It is a record of what is believed to be actual astronomical observations of Venus (the appearances and disappearances of Venus for the reign of Ammisaduqa), as preserved in cuneiform on numerous clay tablets dating from the 1st-millennium BCE. It is believed that this astronomical record was first compiled during the reign of King Ammisaduqa (or Ammizaduga), the 4th ruler after King Hammurabi. Thus, the origins of this text should probably be dated to around the mid-17th century BCE. (Note: It is still debated whether the tablets record actual observations of the planet Venus. It is an assumption that the so-called Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa actually contains observational data (as against calculated data) - this may or may not be correct.) The tablet records rise times of Venus and its first and last visibility on the horizon before or after sunrise and sunset (the heliacal risings and settings of Venus) in the form of lunar dates, for a period of 21 years. The tablet contains 25 statements of the dates (month and day) of successive disappearances and reappearances of Venus (Ninsianna) together with the duration of invisibility at alternating inferior and superior conjunctions (= 50 statements, minus 1 that is incomplete because of substitution of a year formula). These observations are recorded for a period of 21 years. (There is considerable redundancy in the particular text. All but 3 of these statements are duplicated and arranged differently in a separated section of the tablet.)
The term Venus Tablet or The Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa refers to the main text (most complete (fully preserved) copy) designated Enuma Anu Enlil Tablet 63 or K 160 (old British Museum catalogue number). The various surviving copies of this particular record are known as The Venus Tablets. As example: K 2321 is a partial duplicate of K 160. (There is no undamaged copy of the 63rd tablet. The text has been reconstructed from different fragments of various copies of tablet 63. These fragments of tablet 63 are known collectively as the Venus tablets.) The term Venus Tablets or The Venus Tablets of Ammisaduqa is a collective term referring to K 160 and its complementary tablets K 2321 and K 3032 (and now also K 3105). These fragments may be parts of the same (single) Neo-Babylonian copy. K 2321 and K 3032 that were published in 1899 by James Craig (Astrological-astronomical texts copied from the original tablets in the British Museum)). These 2 tablets are concerned with the same series of observations as K 160. Much of the astronomical data of the earlier years is now illegible. The Venus Tablets of Ammisaduqa were excavated in 1850 at Nineveh by Austen Layard. The Venus Tablet (K 160) was first published in 1870 by Henry Rawlinson and George Smith as Enuma Anu Enlil Tablet 63, in "Tablet of Movements of the Planet Venus and their Influences." (The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Volume III). The Venus Tablets were part of the palace archives of the Assyrian king Assurbanipal, 7th-century BCE. It is accepted that The Venus Tablet(s) contain 2 genuine sequences of observations of Venus - the first and last visibilities on the horizon before or after sunrise and sunset (the heliacal risings and settings of Venus) in the form of lunar dates. The Venus Tablet also contains 59 (49?) omens based on the first and last visibilities of Venus. Over 20 copies (mostly fragmentary) of this text are currently known. The oldest of these copies (W 1924,802) was found at Kish in 1924. It was copied from a tablet written at Babylon while Sargon II was King of Assyria between 720 and 704 BCE.
It is because of Kugler's decoding work that we have been able, from the pioneering period of assyriology, to speak of the 'Venus tablet(s) of Ammisaduqa.' The so-called Venus-tablets of Ammizaduqa take their name from the 10th king of the first dynasty of Babylon. Kugler’s correct translation of the year name phrase “Year of the golden throne” shows his competence with cuneiform philology by circa 1910. The inclusion of this date-formula by Babylonian scribes had not been previously recognised by scholars due to difficulties experienced with unfamiliar cuneiform signs. (Throughout the 300 years of the Hammurabi dynasty it was a custom to designate each year of a ruler by some important contemporary or recent event.) The so-called 'Venus tablet(s)' comprise astronomical omens based on the observations of the planet Venus for 21 years during the reign Ammisaduqa (of the First Dynasty of Babylon). Because of the relatively short periodicity of the Venus data preserved (and also scribal error contained within it) no precise dating is able to be achieved.
According to Reiner and Pingree the most reliable observations of Venus in the omen series Enuma Anu Enlil tablet 63 are the first 20 ones contained in the first 10 omina and covering the first 8 years of Ammisaduqa's reign (one 8-year Venus period). Several passages in the Babylonian astronomical series Mul.Apin are evidence that already in the 2nd-millennium BCE Babylonian astronomers were well aware of the complexities of the motion of the planet Venus, its appearances and disappearances and its periods of invisibility. The Venus tablet of Ammisaaduqa likely contains the earliest Babylonian collection of detailed observations of Venus.
The first astronomical solution to the Venus tablet data was attempted by Kugler. The so-called "Venus tablet of Ammisaduqa" is a traditional designation for tablet 63 of the astrological omen series Enuma Anu Enlil. Fragments of other tablets with Venus observations exist. Kugler suggested that tablet 63, unlike the other tablets of Enuma Anu Enlil which contain pure omens, contains reports of observations which had been codified as omens. The Venus tablets are the earliest evidence that planetary phenomena were recognised as periodic.
The tablets were first discovered in the 1850's and received some attention. The pioneering English assyriologist Archibald Sayce and Robert Bosanquet published an early study of it (1880). They analysed the periods visibility and invisibility listed in the 'Venus tablet' and described a method of dating the observations that was based on the days of the month on which the visibility phases occurred. Owing to the absence of historical evidence they did not believe it was possible to determine an accurate date but they proposed a date for the tablet data would be prior to 1700 BCE. (The crucial historical evidence was later discovered by Kugler and published in SSB 1912.) In 1906 the Italian astronomer and astronomical historian Giovanni Schiaparelli, on mistaken grounds, assumed the 'observations' listed proposed dates in the 9th and 7th centuries BCE. Schiaparelli mistakenly assumed that the 'observations' listed could not have long preceded the Niniveh provenance of the tablet. In 1911 the very young Ernst Weidner, then a Panbabylonist, argued for a date in the late 5th-millennium for the 'Venus tablet.'
The first (somewhat satisfactory) astronomical solution to the Venus tablet(s) was attempted by Kugler. It was Kugler's 1912 (Pages 257-311) discovery that one line mentioned the 8th year of Ammizaduqa that brought considerable attention to these tablets. If these texts dated to the time of Ammizaduqa, and if it was possible to retrocalculate the positions of Venus as set forth in the tablets, then modern historians finally had a firm basis for establishing the chronology of the ancient world. The aim of investigations has been to find a retrocalculated sequence of disappearances and appearances of Venus that will match the sequence of disappearances and appearances that is reported on the Venus tablets. However, despite multiple attempts by leading assyriologists and astronomers no secure chronology has emerged as a result of retrocalculations. The reason is very simple: The data as described in these tablets is too idealized and incorporates inevitable scribal errors in the copying process. The difficulties in using the 'observations' which contain numerous errors, remain very great.
Important later attempts to establish a satisfactory chronology of the First Babylonian Dynasty were published by Langdon, Fotheringham, and Schoch in 1928 (The Venus Tablets of Ammizaduqa), and by Peter Huber in 1982 (Astronomical Dating of Babylon 1 and Ur III). J. K. Fotheringham (M.A., D.Litt.) was Honorary Assistant at the University Observatory, Oxford. (John Fotheringham, assisted by the German astronomer Carl Schoch, 'corrected' the calculations of Kugler regarding the 'Venus Tablet' used for establishing the chronology of the Babylonian dynasties. The late date that was eventually advanced by Kugler was reduced by 56 years by Fotheringham, on the basis of more accurate and scientific calculations.)
The earliest copy of this tablet to be published was recovered from the royal library at Nineveh (and is held in the British Museum). It was first published in 1870[? 1861/1866] by Henry Rawlinson and George Smith as Enuma Anu Enlil Tablet 63, in "Tablet of Movements of the Planet Venus and their Influences." (The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Volume III). Currently, circa 20 copies of this text are known (most of them fragmentary). The oldest of these copies is believed to be Source "B," found at Kish in 1924. It was copied from a tablet written at Babylon during the reign of the Assyrian king Sargon II (between 720 BCE and 704 BCE).
The tablet's significance for corroborating Babylonian chronology was first recognised by Franz Kugler in 1912, when he could identify the enigmatic term "Year of the Golden Throne" (Venus tablet K 160) with the 8th year of the reign of Ammisaduqa. (The term "Year of the golden throne," had been inserted between the data of the 8th and 9th years on the tablet. The term was the date-formula for the 8th year of King Ammizaduqa. This same phrase occurs in the civil contracts of the 8th year of King Ammizaduga, the next to last king of the First Dynasty.) The phrase was a year-formula that had been used to refer to the 8th year of the reign of King Ammisaduqa. This placed the dating in the First Babylonian Dynasty. Kugler published in 1912 his discovery - of the crucial historical evidence - that the so-called Venus tablet K 160 mentioned the year formula for year 8 of King Ammisaduqa (the "year of the golden throne," the 8th year of Ammisaduqa). Kugler realized that the 10th omen (of the 59 in total) is incomplete and that, in its place instead of an expected apodosis, it contains what he brilliantly and correctly read as the reference to the "Year of the Golden Throne." (In statement 10 both the duration of invisibility and expected date of reappearance after superior conjunction is omitted and replaced with the statement "Year of the Golden Throne." Thus the tablet contains 49 dates in the lunar calendar.) Prior to Kugler's identification the passage had never been adequately understood. Kugler's identification of Ammisaduqa 8 is supported by the fact that the intercalary years required by the calendar dates in Venus tablet K 160 do agree with attested intercalations during the first years of Ammisaduqa's reign.
Kugler worked on the Venus tablets Ammizaduga for a lengthy period of time. Interestingly, one source states: "The leading sources and authorities supporting the basic principles of this argument in reference to the moon are: (1) The "Venus Tablets of Ammizaduqa" -- on which Kugler worked so long, and on which he based his "Babylonische Mondrechnung" ...." The text K 160 was first published in The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. Volume III. A Selection from the Historical Inscriptions of Chaldea, Assyria, Babylonia, edited by Henry Rawlinson (1861/1866, Page 63) and a partial duplicate (K 2321) was published by James Craig, Astrological and Astronomical Texts, (1899, Plate 46).
The intercalary years in the Venus texts also seem to match the intercalary years of the civil contracts. However, it has been pointed out that it is possible that the key phrase is a late addition to the text which was not part of the original texts in the 2nd-millennium BCE. In their researches into the material Erica Reiner and David Pingree have presented strong evidence for the composite nature of the extant texts.
The astronomical method employed by Kugler to date the reign of Ammizaduqa created immense interest as it was completely independent of traditions and chronological references. However, there are numerous problems. Otto Neugebauer (and others) have warned that astronomical data alone is not adequate to the task of dating the so-called Venus tablets (and similar). The reason being that the astronomical data given are hardly more than estimates of mean values and form part of ancient schematization. Most problematic is that nearly half of the data is affected by either obvious errors or miscellaneous uncertainties. (The remainder comprise a consistent but incomplete set of astronomically plausible and textually secure dates for the disappearances and reappearances of Venus during the first 16 years of Ammizaduqa's reign. Ultimately, however, they enable multiple chronologies and so comprise inconclusive evidence. Furthermore, the intercalations in the 2nd millennium Mesopotamian calendars - to keep the harvest in the right month - were irregular in their application. (More recently, the dates given by the Astronomical Diaries are verified through modern astronomical computation.) However, archaeological work is presently mostly used for precise/accurate dating purposes. (See the essay: "The Chronology of the Ancient Near East in the Second Millennium B.C.E." by H[?]. Tadmor.) Kugler's chronological solutions using the 'Venus tablet' no longer have interest.
"One of Kugler's most respected investigations concerns a set of cuneiform tablets ... [involving] the ... movements of Venus. (Livio Stecchi, "The Twenty-one Years of Venus." Kronos, 1982)" In 1912 Kugler convincingly showed that certain Babylonian tablets containing omens based on exact calendric data with reference to the risings and settings of the planet Venus, went back to systematic observations made during the reign of Ammisaduqa, 10th king of the First Dynasty of Babylon. Kugler's evidence is so compelling that virtually no Assyriologist has doubted its cogency since Kugler set out his original astronomical calculations. At the time of announcing his discovery in 1912 Kugler also attempted the first astronomical 'solution' to the Venus data. He suggested a date of 1978 BCE for the 1st year of the observations.
"The method followed by Kugler was to use the statement that in the 6th year, on the 26th day of the month Arachsamma [arahsamnu], Venus had disappeared in the west and, on the 3rd day of the next month, Kislimu had reappeared in the east. Hence its conjunction with the sun nearly coincided with the conjunction of the moon with the sun, in a season roughly corresponding to December or January. He found that these conditions were best fulfilled by January 23rd in 1971 BC. (A History of Astronomy by Antonie Pannekoek, Pages 34 & 35)" Kugler later revised this date.
For a detailed basic explanation of Kugler's method of calculation using the 'Venus tablet' to astronomically date the reign of Ammizaduqa see Stephen Langdon's Preface to The Weld-Blundell Collection, Volume II (1923). The so-called "Weld-Blundell prism," is a well-preserved version of the Sumerian King List.
Kugler based his interpretation of the texts on the statement that in the 6th year, on the 26th of the month Arachsamma, Venus had disappeared in the west and on the 3rd day of the next month. Kislimu, it had reappeared in the east. Because the Babylonian months were based on new moons, Venus' conjunction with the sun therefore nearly corresponds with the conjunction of the moon with the sun in a season roughly corresponding with our December or January. Kugler calculated that these conditions were best met on January 23, 11971 BCE. This produces dates for the First Dynasty of Babylon from 2225 BCE. to 1926 BCE. and for Hammurabi from 2123 BCE to 2081 BCE. However, very similar alignments occur every 56 to 64 years.
Since Kugler's initial efforts other possible fits to the Venus data have been suggested, with research into solutions extending as far as 1363 BCE. It is now clear that the observations in question merely provide a series of possible dates - because of the nature of the cycles of Venus's visibility. Presently, the possible preferred dates are 1702 BCE, 1646 BCE, and 1582 BCE: 'high,' 'middle,' and 'low' respectively. (The middle chronology has been given most support. However, it is support by assumption only.) Attempts to establish the First Babylonian Dynasty by astronomical means have major difficulties due to the many errors in the observations (recording and/or copyists). The dating of the Old Babylonian Kingdom is essential for the chronology of the early civilisations of the Ancient Near East.
One of the latest attempts to use the Venus tablets is Joachim Mebert (AfO Beihefte 31, 2010, 179 pages) who favours Hammurapi year 1 = 1720 BCE. See: Die Venustafeln des Amm-aduqa und ihre Bedeutung für die astronomische Datierung der altbabylonischen Zeit by von Joachim Mebert (2010). (See the (English-language) book reviews by Peter Huber in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie, Band 101, 2011, Pages 309-314; by John Steel in Journal for the History of Astronomy, Volume xliii, 2012, Pages 247-249; and by Teije de Jong in Journal of the American Oriental Society, Volume 133, Number 2, April-June, 2013, Pages 366-370.) See also the paper: "Astronomical Fine-tuning of the Chronology of the Hammurabi Age." by Teije de Jong (Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap "Ex Oriente Lux," Volume 44, 2013, Pages 147-167; posted 2013 at Academia.com).
Kugler communicated his 1912 finding on the Venus tablet - and its forthcoming publication in a new fascicle of
SSB - in a short note to the XVI (1912) International Oriental Congress held in Athens (6-14 April).
The relative chronologies of the Old Assyrian period and of the Hammurabi dynasty - covering a period of circa 300 years - are now relatively well established. however, putting this relatively accurate chronological framework on a more absolute footing still remains difficult. Key sources for the chronology of Mesopotamia are the Assyrian eponym lists and the king lists which are apparently derived from them. These lists are complete back to the 11th-century BCE.
A detailed basic explanation of Kugler's method of calculation using the 'Venus tablet' to astronomically date the reign of Ammizaduqa. Source: The H. Weld-Blundell Collection in the Ashmolean Museum. Volume II. by Stephen Langdon (1923, Pages I, II, III).
Kugler later gave up his astronomical basis of Babylonian chronology. Kugler's new date for Hammurabi was 1945-1900 BCE. See: Journal of the Society of Oriental Research, Volume VI, 1922, Pages 56, 143. Weidner's chronological scheme in his monograph Konige von Assyrien was disposed of by Kugler in his SSB2.
Earliest autographs/translations of "the Venus tablet"
The principal text was first numbered K. 160, and its text was published by George Smith in Rawlinson's "Cun. Inscr. West. Asia," III., pl. 63. Translations and studies were given by Sayce, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," III. (1874), pp. 316 ff. ; by Sayce and Bosauquet, "Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society," XL. (1880), p. 566 ff., and by Schiaparelli, "Venusbeobachtungen und Berechunungen der Babylonier" (1900). For other references, see Bezold, "Catalogue," I., p. 42. The second of the two inscriptions was first numbered K. 2321 + K. 3032, and the text was published by Craig, "Astrological- Astronomical Texts." pl. 46 ; cf. also Virolleaud, "L'Astrologie Chaldeenne," Ishtar XII., XV, and XIV.
Eclipse reports are among the earliest astronomical cuneiform texts available. Babylonian lunar and solar eclipses are recorded in the Astronomical Diaries, the Normal Star Almanacs, the Almanacs, the Goal-Year Texts, and the Horoscopes. A list of late Babylonian solar and lunar eclipse records is given by John Steele in Appendix A of his 2013 book, Observations and Predictions of Eclipse Times by Early Astronomers.
Many of the eclipse texts were copied by Johann Strassmaier and Theophilus Pinches in the latter part of the 19th-century. These copies were published by Abraham Sachs in 1955 (LBAT). Translations of a few of the texts appeared in print in 1991. (A. Aaboe, J. Britton, J. Henderson, O. Neugebauer, and A. Sachs, "Saros Cycle Dates and Related Babylonian Astronomical Texts." in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Volume 81, Number 6, 1991, Pages 1-75.) The remainder of the known eclipse texts were translated and published by H. Hunger, were published in (ADT, Volume V, 2001).
Kugler did discuss Babylonian eclipse records. Kugler discusses eclipses in his 1900, 1907, 1909, 1912, 1913, 1914, and 1924 publications (also Kugler and Schaumberger 1935). (See the brief discussion in: "Newcomb's Data on Ancient Eclipses Revisited." by V. Protitch-Benishek and M. B. Protitch (Serbian Astronomical Journal, Number 162, 2000(2001?), Pages 127-133; and 3. Ergan. by Johann Schaumberger (1935, Pages 243-246).)
Kugler's recovery of System A presented an immense challenge. As the relevant ephemerides were in a poorly preserved state he was obliged to recover the main features of System A primarily from a text for lunar eclipses.
Campbell Thompson and Kugler both contributed original insight into the Mesopotamian astro-meteorological system. The meteorological observations of the 1st-millennium BCE were of a quite selective nature, referring above all to the halos. They distinguished clearly the small halo of 22° diameter, called "tarbasu," from the greater one of 45°, called "supuru." Besides this, they paid considerable attention to clouds, winds, storms, and thunder. All formed part of omenology.
See: Kugler SSB1 (1907) Tafel 1; SSB2:1, 1909/1910, Pages 94-114 + 2 Plates . Also: "Contribution à la météorologie babylonienne." by Franz Kugler (Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale, Tome 8, 1911, Pages 107-130).
Kugler and astrological references
Kugler's SSB did not emphasise editing astrological texts. It has been remarked that Kugler avoided dealing with astral divination texts (omenology). Basically, Kugler was interested in mathematical astronomy and chronology. Also, there is no evidence that Strassmaier provided either Epping or Kugler with copies of omen/astrological texts. Kugler was aware of some of the early omen texts. On astrology Kugler - relying on early and inexact translations - wrote (SSB2:2:1, 1909/1910, Page 136) that the goddess Nisiba carrying the 'table of the good star,' and the appearance of the good star in a dream to Gudea, marked the first appearance of any astrology in Mesopotamia.
Strassmaier and Epping discovered the first cuneiform horoscope (Text 18 = BM 35516) in the late 19th-century (see: Strassmaier, ZA, Band 3, 1888, Pages 129-158 (which includes a transcription); and Epping, ZA, Band 4, 1889, Pages 76-82, for discussion. In 1924, Kugler SSB2:2, Pages 354-362, republished the horoscope text (Text 18) published earlier by Strassmaier and Epping, together with another cuneiform horoscope text which he had identified among unpublished Strassmaier copies in his possession, Text 7 (= BM 33667), with transliteration, translation, and commentary.
In 1927 a 3rd cuneiform horoscope text text (AB 251) was published, without exact identification, by the British assyriologist Reginald Thompson.
Text 18 and Text 7 were also dealt with again by Schaumberger in SSB Ergan. 3 (1935).
No more cuneiform horoscope texts were identified and published until the 1960's. Both Kugler and Schaumberger especially meant omenology/astrology when referring to the Babylonian astral cult(s). The decipherment of astronomical cuneiform texts in the late 19th-century led to the discovery of Babylonian mathematical astronomy. An astrological text was published and partly explained by Epping and Strassmaier, and was republished in 1924 by Kugler, along with another astrological text. After these early publications came a long hiatus in the study of Babylonian horoscopes until the work of Abraham Sachs of Brown University.
Kugler's investigation of star lists
Kugler analysed texts concerned with the fixed stars/constellations in detail and provided many more identifications than had previously been known. An early example of Kugler's investigation of "fixsternhimmel" texts resulting in a greater number of star identifications is Kugler's identification of most of the stars in the Path of Anu, in the Path of Enlil, and in the Path of Ea (SSB. Ergän. II. Teil, 1914). This text is dated to the early 2nd-millennium BCE. See Appendix 1 below. Also, the so-called Big Star List (BM 86378) which had been published in CT XXXIII (Plates 1-8) was discussed by Kugler (SSB Ergän. I. Teil, 1913). This text is dated to the late 1st-millennium BCE.
"Kugler identified the Babylonian constellations by putting together a large number of statements about stars that rose and set together, and about the angular distances between certain stars ; a great deal of labour was involved, but the results appear to be practically free from doubt." ("The Ancient Constellation Figures" by A. C. D. Crommelin. In: Hutchinson's Splendour of the Heavens edited by T. E. R. Phillips and W. H. Steavenson, Volume II, 1923, Pages 640-669; Page 660.)
But Kugler also made mistakes. Kugler cited tablets he believed were dated to the 3rd-millennium BCE - to Sumerian times - that mention the names of some constellations. Dating Problems: In the 1880s 2 Babylonian king lists were published for the first time. However, because of mis-readings and the general uncertain state of interpretation at the time, the first chronological models placed the reigns of kings far too early. With the gradual publication of new lists and datings the estimated dates of their reigns were gradually placed lower. In particular, the time between the estimated rule of Sargon of Akkad and Hammurabi of Babylon began to lessen. Cuneiform chronology began to have the appearance of being somewhat firmly established, but exactness was not suitable achieved until the 2nd half of the 20th-century. Up to circa 1930 Sargon of Akkad was generally believed to have reigned circa 3,800 BCE. This chronological error partly influenced the early dating of Babylonian astronomy by the Panbabylonists to circa 3,000 BCE. During the hey-day of Panbabylonism (early 19th-century) the chronology of early Mesopotamian/Babylonia was in a confused state. Very early dates were mistakenly established (and encouraged by Panbabylonists). (Hammurabi was once dated to circa 2400 BCE. The Mari records indicate that Hammurabi was a contemporary of Shamshi-Adad, who is dated to circa 1700 BCE.) Mesopotamian/Babylonian chronology was not suitably stabilized until circa the 1940s. At the turn of the 19th-century Sargon of Akkad was dated to circa 3,800 BCE until decades later circa 2,350 BCE was confidently established. (In one of his publications Jeremias dated Sargon to 2,650 BCE.) Hermann Hilprecht (who was also a Lutheran minister) had no problem with dating Enshakushanna, an early king of Uruk, to circa 6,500 BCE. The current dating is circa 2,500 BCE. Prior to the 1950s new material always compelled lowering of dates. (See, for example: "A Third Revision of the Early Chronology of Western Asia" by William Albright (Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research, Number 88, December, 1942, Pages 28-36). Kugler also discussed an early Babylonian document that mentioned "Stations of the Moon" and believed (incorrectly) that this expression was evidence of an early lunar zodiac. The tablet cited was a British Museum Cuneiform Text dated circa 2500 BCE. In the Post Sargonic/Ur III Period the Sumerian term "house" (é) is (apparently) used to denote the celestial positioning of the moon. Early 20th-century British Assyriologists believed reference to celestial positioning of moon by use of lunar "houses." Probably due to early difficulties with the decipherment of texts and their dating. (Hermann Hunger ("The Cultic Calendars of the ancient Near East." in The Journal of the American Oriental Society, October-December, 1996) makes the informed and elucidating comment: "I find it misleading to mention the zodiac (and its subdivisions), which was invented around 400 B.C., in connection with the term "house" of the moon, since the meaning in the older texts is clearly not the same as in the younger. Even if the passages quoted refer to places in the sky, they could not be defined by fixed stars, because the moon is not in the same place on the same calendar date each year. Also, e-[u.sub.4]-7 seems to me to mean "house of day seven" and not "seventh house." And that could be a building on earth, as are the other "houses of the moon" mentioned.")
Note: Giovanni Schiaparelli also extensively investigated Babylonian star names. Giovanni Schiaparelli (1835-1910) was an eminent Italian astronomer of the 19th-century. He originally graduated in hydraulic engineering and architecture from the University of Turin in 1854. Though not a linguist or philologist by training Schiaparelli was also an outstanding linguist; especially conversant with Greek and Latin. He also had a deep knowledge of cuneiform, mainly self-taught. Schiaparelli carried out his own investigations into Babylonian stars, planets, and constellations. He was determined to prepare for himself a list of all star names occurring in cuneiform texts. More than 40 years before the publication of Felix Gössmann's Planetarium Babylonicum (1950) Schiaparelli was systematically investigating and compiling an extensive list of Babylonian star names. For his investigations he used a variety of cuneiform texts, including the early works of Joseph Epping and Franz Kugler. Schiaparelli read and interpreted hundreds of Babylonian astronomical cuneiform tablets - many of which were reconstructed by the Jesuit scholars Epping, Strassmaier, and Kugler. He also used Astrological-Astronomical Texts (1899) by James Craig; and The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon (1900, 2 Volumes) by Reginald Thompson. For his investigations Schiaparelli kept a particular notebook listing Mesopotamian star names. His outstanding 3-volume history of ancient astronomy (Scritti sulla storia della astronomia antica (Writings on the History of Classical Astronomy) (1925- 1927; Reprinted 1997)) was completed by his pupil Luigi Gabba, (and also with the assistance of Schiaparelli's son?) more than 10 years after his death. See: Basello, Gian. (2010). "Giovanni V. Schiaparelli Orientalista." (Giornale di Astronomia, Volume 36, Number 4, Dicembre, Pages 13-24). For the first part of his Scritti sulla storia della astronomia antica (actually essays) dealing with Babylonian astronomy, Schiaparelli read and interpreted hundreds of Babylonian cuneiform texts reconstructed by Strassmaier, Epping, and Kugler. The standard edition of Schiaparelli's writings is the 11-volume collection, Le Opere di G. V. Schiaparelli.
Star/constellation identification in early schematic systems
Both Kugler and Schaumberger investigated the stars/planets in the early schematic "3 Ways" structure of the Astrolabes and Mul.Apin. This early system of stellar coordinates dated from the early 2nd-millennium BCE to the 8th-century BCE.
Kugler's discussion (for stars) appears in SSB and Ergänzungen (1913), pages 50-69 and Ergänzungen (1914), pages 207-224; and (for planets) Ergänzungen (1914), pages 201-206. As a 2nd-millennium BCE example: Kugler's Identification of most of the Stars in the Path of Anu, in the Path of Enlil, and in the Path of Ea (SSB. Ergän. II. Teil, 1914) See Appendix 1 below.
Schaumberger's discussion for stars and planets in Ergan. 3 appears on pages 321-330.
Kugler's discovery of Greek use of
Kugler recognized already in 1900 that Ptolemy's (and Hipparchus's) value of the length of the mean synodic month derived from Babylonian lunar theory. Franz Kugler demonstrated that the synodic and anomalistic periods that Ptolemy attributed to Hipparchus had already been used in Babylonian ephemerides, specifically the collection of texts nowadays called "System B." (Franz Kugler, Die Babylonische Mondrechnung (1900).)
The Symbolism of the Pythagoreans. - In Klio, Volume XI, Issue 11, July, 1911, Pages 481-496, Kugler presented evidence to show that the symbolism of the Pythagoreans goes back to Babylonian sources. (Franz Kugler, "Der Ursprung der babylonischen Zahlensymbole 15 = imnu .rechts' und 150 = šumēlu ,links‘ in pythagoreischer Beleuchtung.") Among the Greeks, Pythagoras was particularly important in the development of number symbolism.
Examples of Kugler's conclusions being different to those reached by other academics
Explanation/Interpretation of Astrological Texts. "The Sign and Name for Planet in Babylonian" by Morris Jastrow, Junior. (Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Volume XLVII, May-August, 1906, Number 189). "Recognized as fanciful by [Peter] Jensen, Kosmologie, p. 96. Kugler's attempt to reconcile this explanation with the interpretation offered in astrological texts whereby certain phenomena connected with the planets prognosticate death is very artificial and encounters a fatal objection from the consideration that the prognostication of death in one form or other, is a common interpretation of omens, indeed one of the commonest."
Babylonian Orientation. In Z. Assyr. Volume XXIII, 1909, Pages 196-208, Morris Jastrow, Junior discusses the order in which the Babylonians enumerated the points of the compass. Against the view of Kugler that they began with the north, he maintained that the evidence was insufficient, and that for astrological purposes the south was taken as the starting-point. Another method of orientation beginning with the east was usual in acts of worship.
Kugler's Criterion for Determining the Order of the Months in the Earliest Babylonian Calendar. "Kugler's Criterion for Determining the Order of the Months in the Earliest Babylonian Calendar" by George Barton (Journal of the American Oriental Society, Volume 33, 1913, Pages 297-305). "In a paper read before the Oriental Society a year ago, the difficulties which confront the students of the early Babylonian calendar were pointed out, and some of the consequent diversity of opinion concerning it among scholars was noted. During the year that has passed Father Kugler has proposed in his Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Buch TI, II. Teil, 1. Heft, p. 213ff., a new criterion for determining the order of the months. Many of the tablets have at the end of the account the words BA-AN or GAR-AN preceded by a numeral. Kugler holds that these numerals refer to monthly payments, and that the number refers to the payment of the month previous to that in which the tablet is dated. It is known from a passage in Gudea2 that EZEN-'BAU was the first month. Kugler finds a tablet dated il EZEN-dBAU which concludes with XIf BA-AN, which he takes to mean 12 payments, and to refer to the distribution made in the preceding months. He holds that the accounts were not written up until the month following that in which payments were made. This accounts for the number 12 on a tablet in the month EZEN-BAU. From this one fixed example he makes a general rule. A tablet that ends with III BA-AN or III GAR-AN belongs to the fourth month; one that has at its close VIII BA-AN belongs to the ninth month; if the months are named, their position in the calendar is, he holds, fixed. Kugler himself is, however, confronted with the difficulty that, when the month name is the same, the numbers sometimes vary. ..."
Part 19: Kugler's General Remarks In SSB, Ergänzungen
Kugler's general remarks in SSB1 (1907)
Kugler believed that Babylon was influential on the cultures of Near East prior to the conquests of the Assyrians and the Persians. According to Kugler, Babylon had priority in celestial observations and the mythical interpretation of atmospheric and astral phenomena. According to Kugler this is what created their religion and also astrology. Kugler did not view astral religion as a primitive aspect of religious behaviour and belief. He viewed it as the highest expression of polytheism.
Astral religion (worship of the stars) refers to the cultic worship of heavenly bodies or deities associated with them. Babylonian astrology depended essentially on astral religion. However, astral religion, though it had oriental roots i.e., in Babylonia, was fundamentally a Hellenic creation, Pythagorean and Platonic. A fundamental idea of Pythagorean astronomers was the divinity of the astra, especially the planets.
Kugler set out that to recover the astronomical and astral beliefs of the Babylonians and Assyrians an investigator needed to be able to combine a knowledge of cuneiform philology, a knowledge of mathematics, and a knowledge of astronomy. This is where Kugler says he directed his efforts for several years in order to investigate the cuneiform astronomical tablets. SSB1 (1907) is offered for informed criticism regarding how successful Kugler has been. Kugler makes the point that he has taken a purely scientific approach.
Though the book mainly consists of a series of articles Kugler points out they are presented in a systematic order. The subject of SSB1 is the development of scientific planetary theory in Babylon from its primitive beginnings to its highest development, and the connection of such with religious issues.
The understanding of Babylonian religion is linked with their celestial observations. Kugler recognised that Babylonian religion exhibited prominent astral features. Astral religion, astrology, and astronomy are all linked to the class of astronomer/astrologer priests. Chronology also has a role in understanding Babylonian celestial observations. The purely astronomical and chronological studies undertaken are mainly based on unpublished cuneiform tablets copied by Johann Strassmaier years ago for the first time, in the British Museum. Their present form in SSB1 owes also to other astronomical and chronology investigations comprising repeated collations of copies of Strassmaier's texts or completely independent copies of the cuneiform tablets carried out by the administration of the Assyrian Department of the British Museum (headed by Wallis Budge) and provided to Kugler.
Kugler mentions the Glossary at the end of SSB1 includes new insights into the meanings of words. Kugler does express that the Glossary would have been better had he possessed a broader knowledge of assyriology. He also mentions the many tedious calculations he had to carry out in order to achieve his present understanding. The weaknesses of SSB1 exists because of his limitations with cuneiform philology and not mathematically exploring all possibilities for the data identified.
Kugler explains that where he rejects the statements of other researchers he provides a detailed explanation. He is happy for others to point out his own errors. Also, whether an explanation is successful or not a meritorious groundwork remains.
Kugler points out that hardly a single significant celestial phenomena that has not been the subject of observation and interpretation by the Babylonians. In part he attributes this to his belief that Mesopotamia, over the months, there were many cloudless nights.
Kugler's general remarks in Ergänzungen (1914)
In his Ergänzungen (1914) Kugler states the content is closely related to SSB1 and SSB2 and presents the recent results of investigations. The discussion in Part XI deals with the peculiar astrological relationships between the constellations or single fixed stars to one of the visible planets and the importance this has in astrological geography and mythology.
Kugler also acknowledges his several published disputes with Carl Bezold.
Kugler acknowledges some recent contributions by Weidner (in Babyloniaca and Weidner's collection of studies comprising Astrallere) but also criticises many of Weidner's recent statements/claims and the inadequacy of the alleged evidence.
Interestingly, Kugler states the provision of a detailed Register of all parts comprising SSB was intended to be included in a final Ergänzungen. Whether he had started preparing this is unknown.
Part 20: Abandonment Of Volumes 3 And 4 of SSB
Kugler's abandonment of volumes 3 and 4 of SSB
Kugler's pioneering work on Babylonian astronomy was never completed. His Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel was planned for completion in 4 volumes.
For the duration of WWI nothing appearing excepting - in 1915 - an obituary for Franz Hummelauer. (Interestingly, Kugler mentions Hummelauer in Babylon und Christentum I (Page 62).) After WWI Kugler's almost sole focus was Biblical and Babylonian chronology. Esch (Kugler obituary) states that shortly after WWI Kugler had Volume 3 of SSB near completion but transferred his interest to biblical chronology with the result being Von Moses bis Paulus (1922). Regarding SSB. After WWII Kugler only issued SSB 2 Teil. Heft 2 (1924). (In 1922 at least, Kugler's address is listed as the Jesuit Residence/Retreat House at Aachen. (Vierteljahrsschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, 57. Jahrgang, 1922, Page 46.) This perhaps indicates his retirement from lecturing and his location for continuing work.) The Ergan. 3 by Schaumberger does not appear to reflect the contents that Kugler intended for SSB 3.
Kugler, SSB 2 (page 442), and Von Moses bis Paulus (1922; Pages 338 ff) states he intended to deal with the astronomical document which tells of the Parthian conquest in the 3rd volume of his SSB. (In Von Moses bis Paulus (Page 339) Kugler makes reference to astronomical texts to be discussed in Book III of SSB. He was obvious working on a draft/advanced draft of SSB 3. Example statements: "Der ganze Text wird im Verein mit anderen Beobachtungstafeln im III. Buche meines Werkes Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel bearbeitet." = "The entire text is edited along with other observation texts in the third book of my work, Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel." and "Siehe die astronomische Bearbeitung meiner Sternk. III." = "See the astronomical texts edited in my Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel 3.") However, Kugler abandoned his promised 3rd volume to pursue the alluring bypath of chronology. His massive chronological study, Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) was obviously a time consuming distraction from attention to completing the final 2 volumes of SSB. Weidner had also focused attention on chronology. Johann Schaumberger, in SSB Ergan. 3, stated that a 4th fascicle, which will deal with chronology and contain the indexes to the whole work, is scheduled to complete the volume. It never appeared. Some of Kugler's work was published posthumously as late as 1935 by Johann Schaumberger.
Note: In the Preface to Von Moses bis Paulus (From Moses to St. Paul), Kugler states the work on biblical chronology outgrew the limits first intended for it. It is likely that this work was a major interruption to completing his SSB project further. The fact that he originally intended to place limits for it is interesting. A large time consuming project on biblical chronology is not originally indicated.
Between 1907 and 1924 he completed 2 volumes including 2 supplements in 6 parts. (The publication of an SSB 3 (III. Buch.) was anticipated after the completed publication of SSB 2 (II. Buch.) in 1924, but never eventuated. On the cover of SSB II. Buch. II. Teil. 2. Heft. published in 1924 appeared '(schluss des buches)' = 'end of the book.' It applied both to Volume 2 as well as SSB. The wider SSB project had been abandoned in favour of his pursuit of chronological matters. The focus of the last part of SSB in 1924 was on chronological issues.) After his death in 1929 a 3rd supplementary volume was completed in 1935 by Johann Schaumberger. This contained (completed) some of Kugler's unpublished material. Schaumberger, a member of the Redemptorist Order at Gars-am-Inn, Germany, had several years previously announced his intention to take up and continue/complete Kugler's work. Schaumberger, like Kugler, was a competent assyriologist, and astronomer. In 1931 he announced his intention to bring Kugler's unfinished SSB project to a satisfactory conclusion by publishing 2 further volumes (supplements), one of which would include a complete index to SSB. Basically it was Schaumberger's intention that the numerous unpublished astronomical cuneiform texts in Kugler's estate would be published to form a completion to SSB 1 and 2. However, after World War II, he worked slowly and sporadically on the project. The unfortunate result was that at the time of Schaumberger's death in 1955 the planned 4th supplementary volume to SSB was unfinished. It was to have been the concluding supplement with an index to the whole of SSB 1 and 2. It was announced on the back cover of Schaumberger's 3rd supplement to SSB (published 1935) as being in preparation, but never appeared in the 20 remaining years of his life. Schaumberger's published supplement and planned further supplement did not contain the material or address the subjects that Kugler had originally (and ambitiously) planned for SSB 3 (Sub-title: God types and cult forms) and SSB 4 (Sub-title: Astronomical and meteorological observations). (But Schaumberger's 3. Ergänzungsheft did complete/progress studies that Kugler had left incomplete at the time of his death.) Kugler's Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) and the content of SSB published in 1924 demonstrated his later (time-consuming) distraction with chronological issues. (Volumes 3 and 4, if completed, would likely have comprised 100-150 pages each, and have comprised essays on a number of topics.)
SSB3, intended to be a study of Babylonian astral mythology and astral religion, was never completed and published. Interestingly, Kugler had stated that it was almost ready for publication. No publisher problems were indicated. However, there is the possibility that there were publisher financial problems during the 1920s. (The economic situation in Germany after WWI briefly improved between 1924-1929. However, Germany in the 1920s remained politically and economically unstable. The Weimar democracy could not withstand the disastrous Great Depression of 1929 and in that year the German economy collapsed. In earlier volumes Kugler had already indicated publisher difficulties.) However some material for SSB3 was published in SSB2. Babylonian astral religion is included as a subject in Kugler's SSB2. In this regard SSB2 (1909/1910-1924) can be considered as 2 volumes in 1 i.e., containing subject matter that Kugler planned for SSB3 (but which never appeared as a separate volume.
Possible astral aspects of Babylonian religion was investigated by Kugler in his 1910 book, Im Bannkreis Babels (specifically written as a critique of Panbabylonism). In his obituary letter (Letters to the Editor, The (London) Times, 27 December 1929, Page 6), the American-born British assyriologist Stephen Langdon described Im Bannkreis Babels as: "Kugler's profound investigation of astral religion." Perhaps Kugler's interest in astral aspects of Babylonian religion was influenced by the fact that quite often Babylonian planet names tend to have the determinative for god/goddess (see: Kugler, SSB1, 1907, Page 62). The topic was also discussed by Kugler in several (early) articles and in the material appearing in SSB. The British assyriologist Stephen Langdon, writing in 1929, described Im Bannkreis Babels as a "profound investigation of astral religion." In some ways core material that likely would have comprised SSB 3 had already been published. (If published it would perhaps not have been a lengthy volume.) However, in SSB2 (see Einleitung [Introduction], Page 3) Kugler also included material on aspects of Sternreligion (and Astral/Star Lore).
Kugler's planned SSB 4 (Sub-title: Astronomical and meteorological observations) would hardly have been possible - excepting for a particular focus on eclipse texts and meteorological texts. (If published it would not have been a lengthy volume.) Kugler had already published material on eclipse texts and meteorological texts. Dealing with the astronomical diaries (the core of the body of observational texts) would have been problematic. During Kugler's lifetime, and for 2 decades after his death, relatively little work had been possible with Babylonian observational astronomy because few relevant texts were known. Most of the late Babylonian texts copied by Johann Strassmaier were mathematical astronomical texts. This enabled Kugler to build up a detailed picture of Babylonian mathematical astronomy. Up until 1948, when Abraham Sachs attempted the first classification of observational and other non-mathematical texts there were only about 20 tablets known. In 1953 when Sachs spent a year at the British Museum he became aware of a greater number of texts and also the drawings made by Theophilus Pinches. When Pinches left the British Museum in 1900 these drawings had been placed in storage and left undisturbed. Many of these drawings, without accompanying translations, and some drawings also made by Strassmaier, were published in 1955 (LBAT). Only since Sachs published LBAT in 1955 has it been possible to form a fairly representative picture of Babylonian observational astronomy. The 2 types of observational texts are (1) diaries, usually covering 1 year or 6 months, and (2) collections of similar phenomenon, usually covering several years. The astronomical diaries are the ultimate source for most other observational data (i.e., goal-year texts). Presently, approximately 1500 texts dealing with observational astronomy and other aspects of non-mathematical astronomy have been identified. (See: Sachs, A. 'Babylonian observational astronomy', in Hodson, F. R. (ed.) The Place of Astronomy in the Ancient World, 43-50. London, 1974.)
Until 1948, and the publication of an important paper by Abraham Sachs, relatively little interest had been shown in Babylonian observational astronomy because few relevant texts were known. Kugler published larger and smaller fragments of 12 almanacs, 4 normal-star almanacs, 1 goal-year text - 3 more were published from Kugler's papers by Schaumberger.
In the work Late Babylonian Astronomical and Related Texts (1955), Abraham Sachs presented an extensive catalogue of the astronomical, astrological, and mathematical cuneiform texts, most of which had been copied independently by Theophilus Pinches and Johann Strassmaier in the late 19th-century. This catalogue lists 1520 astronomical texts. (Many more have been discovered since.) The greater part of the texts listed, however, about 1,300 in number, are non-mathematical and principally observational in type. The observations date from circa 750 BCE. to the 1st-century CE. The great number of these observational texts are of the utmost importance for establishing the absolute chronology of this whole period. With respect to content, the non-mathematical observational texts may be subdivided into a number of categories. By far the largest category group are the so-called astronomical diaries. If Kugler had pursued publication of the observational texts as SSB 3 then the eclipses tablets and the astronomical diaries would perhaps have continued his interest with chronological matters.
Reasons for Kugler's redirection with SSB can now only be guessed at. One idea is that he became distracted by the study of chronological issues. Another idea is that he became distracted by the study of earlier astronomical texts. During WWI European intellectual life dissolved into chaos. Valkenburg klooster was reliant for its finances on German funds. During the course of WWI it could not obtain these funds. (Holland remained neutral throughout WWI.) The period of WWI was a disruptive experience for Ignatiuskolleg. The chaotic state of the German economy after WWI meant years if financial difficulties for the German Jesuits in Holland (as it did for all Catholic religious orders in Holland and inside Germany). Shortage of money for food remained an ongoing problem. Shortage of funds also meant lack of ability for Kugler to travel (to Oriental Congresses and to the British Museum), restrictions on correspondence, and the inability of the college library to continue to make purchases relevant to Kugler's scholarly needs. All Jesuits residing at the klooster were continually involved in begging for food from the local population. For Kugler this undoubtedly meant a redirection of available time for research into Babylonian astronomy. Postwar recession and staggering levels of hyperinflation (where money declined in value and eventually lost its meaning/value almost completely) were also impediments. The German economy was not stabilised until the early 1920's. Taxes were also very high as a means to help achieve this. Likely the Jesuit properties in Germany were taxed. Some indication perhaps of this can be seen in the publishing history of SSB and similar. Five parts of SSB volumes 1 and 2, and 2 supplements to volumes 1 and 2, all by Kugler, were published between 1907-1914. The publication of SSB 2 began in 1909-1910 with Part 1. The next part (Part 2) was published in 1912, and the concluding part (to SSB 2), by Kugler, was published 1924. This was 12 years after SSB 2, Part 2, and 10 years after supplement 2 published in 1914. Most of the articles on Babylonian astronomy published by Kugler were published before WWI. The period/duration of WWI is the identifiable 'stopping point' for Kugler's previous intensive output. The publication of Im Bannkreis Babels in 1910 demonstrates that Kugler had gathered materials for SSB 3. Had Kugler lived longer would he have completed the 3rd volume of SSB? This can never be known.
Summary of possible reasons for the interruption to SSB: (1) WWI likely interrupted his studies. The privations experienced during and immediately after WWI perhaps contributed to changing his character. (2) In 1920 he was 58years old. He perhaps reassessed his interests in the context of time available to him. (3) Kugler also suffered from a long and painful illness. It has not been possible to find much detail about his illness. It would be helpful to know when it first occurred. It perhaps had some effect on his continuation with SSB.
Aspects of Valkenburg klooster seem to have been closed during the period of WWI. Michael Esch was absent from Valkenburg from 1910 onwards, including most of the war years. (This may have been irrelevant to the occurrence of WWI.) Esch was director of the Valkenburg Observatory from 1906 to 1938, with an interruption from 1908 to 1918. (In 1907 at least, Conrad Bruhin, a scholastic, was observatory assistant under Michael Ech.) During these years Esch studied mathematics and astronomy in Vienna and taught astronomy in Innsbruck, Austria. (From 1902 to 1904 variable star observations were conducted by Alfred Bauer (1872-1912).) The Jesuit Catalogus for Provinciae Germaniae for 1909 has: "Collegium Maximum S. Ignatii Valkenburgense. ... P. Michael Esch, Script,, Expl. med. FF.p. v., Gens. libr." The Jesuit Catalogus for Provinciae Germaniae for 1913 has: "In aliis Provinciis degentes. [Living in other provinces] ... In Provincia Austriaca. ... P. Michael Esch, ibid., Praef. bibl., Conf. in t., Stud. in Univ." The Jesuit Catalogus for Provinciae Germaniae for 1914 has: "In aliis Provinciis degentes. [Living in other provinces] ... In Provincia Austriaca. ... P. Michael Esch, ibid., Praef. bibl., Conf. in t., Stud. math. in Univ." It appears that Esch did not return to Valkenburg until 1917(?) and began/resumed variable star observations in 1918. In Esch's absence as a lecturer in astronomy Kugler was lecturing in both mathematics and astronomy - basically a doubling of his work load. This likely affected his available time for effectively continuing his studies of Babylonian astronomy.
Michael Esch (1869-1938) was the director of the small observatory at Valkenburg college. Esch was a variable star observer and a life-long collaborator in the Atlas Stellarum Variabilium project of Johann Hagen (basically carried out at Georgetown College Observatory (USA) and Valkenburg Observatory, who became the director of the Vatican Observatory in 1907. Esch often visited Hagen in Rome.
Kugler's growing interest in chronological issues began at least with the preparation of the first part of Volume 2 published in 1912. After 1914 with the publication of SSB Ergan. 2, Kugler published no further journal articles on Babylonian astronomy or chronology. Those few journal articles he did publish were an obituary, and theological. (The appearance of articles was nearly always connected with current studies progressing to publication as an SSB fascicle) There was a 10 year gap before publication of Von Moses bis Paulus (1922), a major publication on Biblical chronology; and a 12 year gap before the concluding volume of SSB2. Both volumes dealt with chronological issues. SSB2 (1912) and Ergän. (1914) were not so dominated by essays dealing with chronology. Kugler's productive years investigating Babylonian astronomical texts was limited to circa 1899 to 1914 (approximately 15 years) with some some time taken with historical issues. Kugler intended the 2nd volume of SSB would deal with Babylonian chronology. Any supposed deviation from the SSB project, into chronology, would be the time taken with Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) which dealt with biblical chronology. This is likely the volume which caused SSB3 and SSB4 to be abandoned. Kugler was simply out of time. Kugler was 56 years old in 1918.
Father Johann Schaumberger in 1935 published an addition to Kugler's SSB based upon the notes that Kugler had left unpublished at his death. The extent of Kugler's unpublished material is not known. It is known that he had approximately 200 of Strassmaier's autographs yet to be edited.
The uncompleted volume 3 and volume 4 of SSB
Kugler's 3rd volume of SSB is now lost; as are his notes relating to its preparation. However, some of the material was published in SSB2. Volume 3 was intended to provide an examination of the types of gods and cults of Babylonian religion. Likely astral cults. As early as circa 1912 Kugler was announcing astral explanations to appear in the 3rd volume of SSB. Material for this was included in SSB2. The 4th volume was to deal with all astronomical and meteorological observations with special emphasis on the observation of lunar and solar eclipses. Eclipse material - much of it unpublished/incomplete studies by Kugler - was published by Schaumberger in SSB 3 Egan. and journal articles.
With all SSB supplements (and Kugler's other publications) now available as searchable PDF files (using Find), the matter of the lack of a printed index/register is now irrelevant.
Kugler's intention to deal with Babylonian chronology as part of SSB (i.e., SSB2) was already expressed in 1907. What was apparently not anticipated was the attention he would give to biblical chronology. The 8 years Kugler spent on Von Moses bis Paulus was time away from earlier completion of SSB2 and work on completion of SSB3 and SSB4. Overall, Von Moses bis Paulus and SSB2 occupied a decade of his time - 1914 to 1924. It appears that SSB3 became less important. SSB4 would not have comprised a large volume. It is indicated that Kugler intended to merge the 2 volumes. The loss of SSB3 as originally planned is to be regretted. The SSB3 that Kugler later prepared for publication would have contained observational material originally intended for SSB4. We now know that understanding the observational texts (i.e., astronomical diaries) is important for understanding the origin of mathematical predictive astronomy. It would be unfair to speculate whether Kugler would have identified this connection. It is worth noting that Buch II of SSB had twice as many pages as Buch I.
Note: If Kugler really had made progress with SSB3 and/or SSB4 then the question is: Why didn't Schaumberger either complete and publish them or publish material from them? Schaumberger never identified that he did so, or that Kugler had made substantial progress with SSB3 and/or SSB4. The ability to understand Mesopotamian religion is limited by the nature of the available evidence and conceptual issues. Important Mesopotamian gods/goddesses include: Allatum; An; Ashur; Bel; Damkina; Ea (Enki); Enlil; Halmasuit; Inanna (Ishtar); Marduk; Mezulla; Nanna (Sin); Ninhursag; Ningal; Ninkasi; Ninurta; Nisaba.; Sarruma; Shamash (Utu); Telpinu; Tiamat; Zababa. Schaumberger did publish material on lunar and solar eclipses.
Kugler's SSB3 (God types and cult forms) was intended to be about types of gods/goddesses and their cults in Babylonian religion (and their astronomical character = astral religion, astral cults, astral omens/astrology). It is not possible to identify what Kugler would have written on the topic. However, from the proposed title, its intended content has not been replaced any book published during or after Kugler's lifetime. One of the best studies that is a likely/suitable substitute for Kugler's SSB3 is: Babylonien und Assyrien by Bruno Meiussner (1925, 2 Volumes; Zweiter Band see: Dreizehntes Kapitel: Das Pantheon (Pages 1- 51), Vierzehntes Kapitel: Die Priester nnd der Kultus (Pages 52-101), Fünfzehntes Kapitel: Kosmologie und Theologie (Pages 102-150), Sechzehntes Kapitel: Die religiöse Literatur (Pages 151- 197). Possibly Kugler's focus would have been on the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods. Kugler may have intended including kudurru symbols - as examples of astral symbols - in his study. If so, it would have been misleading. For possible indications of how Kugler may have proceeded see: "Das Symbol der Göttin Geštinna." by Carl Frank; "Die babylonisch-assyrischen Planetlisten." by Fritz Hommel. Both essays are in: Hilprecht Anniversary Volume (1909, Pages 164-169, and Pages 170-188 respectively). A reasonable summary of Kugler's Babylonian planet identifications with gods/goddesses and also Babylonian planet cults is contained in: "Die babylonisch-assyrischen Planetlisten." by Fritz Hommel.
A different organisation of material to that which appeared in his Im Bannkreis Babels (1910) would have been expected. (Reading through the Inhaltsverzeichnis (Index) for Im Bannkreis Babels would likely indicate the gods/goddesses and cults that Kugler intended dealing with.) Whilst I can't identify any books that duplicate what Kugler likely intended the following are perhaps useful. Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyrians by Morris Jastrow Junior (2 volumes in 3 parts, 1905-1912 + ). In 1906, Karl Frank published his short (42 pages) PhD dissertation, Bilder und Symbole Babylonisch-Assyrischer Götter. Also, the lengthy study Die biblische und die babylonische Gottesidee by Johannes Hehn (1913) includes considerable study of astralmythologie/astralreligion. Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria by Morris Jastrow Junior (1911). Also, Altorientalische Symbolik by Hugo Prinz (1915). Later works include: Astral Magic by Erica Reiner (1995). Prayer, Magic, and the Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World edited by Scott Noegel, et al. (2003). Little known is the short study: Astral Religion and Christian Symbolism in Late Antiquity by Larisa Rana Masri (1998). It appears to focus on sun worship. It was perhaps a PhD thesis for the University of Arkansas, Fayettville.
Note: Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Volume 1 1905- Volume 2 1912 (2 parts) is an enlarged and entirely rewritten German edition of the earlier English edition, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (1898), together with a separate volume of illustrations bearing on the religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians (3 Volumes altogether). The volume of illustrations is, Bildermappe zur Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (1912). The German-language study encompasses temple ritual and cult. Once again, also relevant is his, Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria (1911).
Part 21: How Kugler May Have Approached SSB3
Some notes on astral gods/goddesses: How Kugler may have approached SSB3
I do not have the time to work through Kugler's published ideas concerning Babylonian astral mythology. His main publication on Babylonian astral mythology was IBB (1910). Other material was published in SSB2. It contained material from the proposed SSB3/4. Endorsing Kugler's examples and arguments is not possible for me. Likely no purpose would be served. Basically Kugler believed astronomy (observational or technical), religion/theology, and mythology were linked. Kugler. believed that just about the whole Babylonian Pantheon was astral. This singular interpretation was later shown by improved knowledge not to be correct. Extracting (mostly from SSB2) and critiquing Kugler's astral ideas would simply be a "labour of love." We are now circa 100 years past when he last wrote on the subject. Any study would need to involve the star-myth school and Panbabylonism.
Perhaps a basic 4-step process which can be readily expanded to a much wider scope. (1) It is possible that Kugler's approach would have identified all major Akkadian gods/goddesses linked with a star (planet or star). This would have been based on numerous names used by the Mesopotamians for celestial bodies were the same as those applied to gods/goddesses. On some inscriptions the names of the planets have the Sumerian determinative prefix for 'god/goddess,' DINGIR, and on other inscriptions the names of the planets have the determinative prefix for 'star/heavenly phenomena,' kakkabu. (Sumerian DINGIR (Akadian ilu) means god/goddess.) (2) Construction of a compendium of astral associations of Babylonian/Mesopotamian gods/goddesses with planets. (3) List of god/goddess symbols and their meaning. (4) List of god/goddess cult places and rituals/myths. (As example: astral gods/goddesses were occasionally invoked in haruspicy.) Gods/goddesses and their cults were generally associated with cities. A god/goddess could be associated with one or more cities. (See: Das Pantheon der Stadt Uruk in der Seleukidenzeit by Otto Schroeder (1916).) (5) Construction of a compendium of astral associations of Babylonian/Mesopotamian gods/goddesses with constellations/stars. (6) List and discussion of Kudurru iconography: Whether constellation symbols or god/goddess symbols. (Kugler accepted some Kudduru symbols were astral. Obviously Sun (Shasmash), Moon (Nannar), and Venus (Inanna). But also several others) (7) List and discussion of astral (god/goddess) triads. (8) The colours of the planets and the meaning of such in Babylonian/Mesopotamian astral lore. (9) The planetary order (listing sequence) on tablets. (10) A further summary review of Babel-Bibel-Streit and Panbabylonism. (11) A review/critique of Peter Jensen's claims regarding the Gilgamesh epic. (It is unknowable whether Kugler would have mentioned his earlier article: Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1904). "Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgamesch: Kosmologische Würdigung des babylonischen Nationalepos." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 66, Part 1: Pages 432-449 + 2 fold-out diagrams, and Part 2: Pages 547-561). (Note: An examination of the Gilgamesh epic as astronomical mythology. This article - in which Kugler proposes an astral solution for the Gilgamesh myth - is Kugler's brief flirtation with the astral interpretation of mythology promoted by Panbabylonism. Kugler later (SSB1) repudiated the ideas he had expressed in the article.) (12) Also, Babylonian/Mesopotamian cosmic geography? Whether Kugler would have included discussion of Babylonian/Mesopotamian cosmic geography (as was later done in great detail by David Horowitz) is unknowable. (13) Also, 'Astrolabe' menologies (particularly 'Astrolabe' B)? This is also unknowable. (14) The Enūma elišh so-called creation myth. (It has been pointed out that the Enūma elišh does not contain the Babylonian cosmology.) Whether Kugler would have included a discussion of this is unknowable. Perhaps also the construction of a god/goddess genealogy. Whether aspects of astral magic would be included in Kugler's discussion it is not possible to say.
A reasonable starting place for Kugler: The first tablet of Mul.Apin begins with a long list of constellations/asterisms/single stars which are associated with gods/goddesses. Kugler may not have attempted to investigate the historical development of Babylonian uranography. Again, a reasonable starting place for this may have been the first tablet of Mul.Apin. Also a reasonable starting place is the omen series Enuma Anu Enlil. This large omen series is a source of astral mythology. The astrolabes date to circa 1200 BCE; Mul.Apin dates to circa 1000 BCE or several hundred years earlier; Enuma Anu Enlil dates to circa 1000 BCE of several hundred years earlier.
SSB3 would have been text-based and descriptive. (Doing calculations based on kudurru iconography does not seem likely.) Some of Kugler's ideas would have been erroneous. Also to be kept in mind is by 1909/1910 Kugler had refuted the main arguments by which Winckler and Jeremias supported the original astral character of Babylonian religion.
Astral Associations of Mesopotamian Gods/Goddesses
All major Akkadian gods/goddesses were linked with a star (planet or star). Numerous names used by the Mesopotamians for celestial bodies were the same as those applied to gods/goddesses. On some inscriptions the names of the planets have the Sumerian determinative prefix for 'god/goddess,' DINGIR, and on other inscriptions the names of the planets have the determinative prefix for 'star/heavenly phenomena,' kakkabu. (Sumerian DINGIR (Akadian ilu) means god/goddess.) The eminent assyriologist Francesca Rochberg believes that Mesopotamian religion was not astral in nature. Rather, an astronomical body (i.e., sun, moon, planet, star, constellation) might represent a specific god/goddess, but astronomical bodies themselves did not have a god/goddess-like status. (See: Rochberg, Francesca. (2009). "The Stars Their Likenesses." In: Porter, Barbara. (Editor). What Is a God? (Pages 41-91).) While not an 'astral religion,' the Sumerian and Babylonian tradition did have astral features.
Kugler could be expected to include a discussion of cosmic gods/goddesses, and mountains as god/goddess thrones.
Through monopolization the number of gods/goddesses decreased over time. As example: Inanna annexed Delebat, a goddess of the planet Venus. The majority of the 'great gods/goddesses' extent after circa 1500 BCE most usually had Semitic (or Semiticised) names rather than their ancient Sumerian names. Some god/goddess names were not changed.
Astral gods/goddesses were occasionally invoked in haruspicy.
Babylonian planet cults
This topic may have been planned as a detailed part of SSB3. The Babylonians had developed/built up a highly complex system of beliefs centred on the planets. A discussion of gods/goddesses identified with planets would be expected.
Excursus: The planetary order (listing sequence): Kugler would have included discussion of Babylonian planet cults. From his examination of various texts Kugler formed the "Stabilität des babylonischen Planetenkultes" ("stability of the Babylonian planetary cult") theorem. The planet lists showed reasonable stability/consistency over time (with the order of the listed planets) until the end of the Assyrian period. (Obviously there was a convention for ordering the 5 planets.) The order of the listed planets then show changes. Other cuneiform texts give different nonstandard orders for the planets. From the end of the Assyrian period Jupiter and Venus are constantly at the top. Stability then further ceases with Saturn, Mercury, Mars and also Mars: Saturn, Mercury appearing at the top of the planet lists. This later planetary order, Jupiter-Venus-Mercury-Saturn-Mars as found on Goal-Year Texts of the Seleucid period, became the only frequently recurring order.
According to Kugler, the early Babylonian scheme for the order of the planets is Jupiter, Venus, Mercury, Saturn, Mars. The later scheme (introduced circa 400 BCE) is Jupiter, Venus, Mercury, Saturn, Mars. The original arrangement – the Moon, the Sun, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn, Mercury, Mars, was later replaced by the Moon, the Sun, Jupiter, Venus, Mercury, Saturn, Mars; Saturn and Mercury exchanged places. This became the most commonly recurring order. Babylonian omenology assigned planets to different gods/goddesses: Jupiter = Marduk, Venus = Istar, Mercury = Nabu, Saturn = Ninib, Mars = Nergal. The Greeks of the 4th-century BCE were influenced by the Babylonian scheme and replaced their old descriptive names of the planets for those of various gods/goddesses that corresponded closely with the Babylonian series.
Kugler's argument (Kugler 1907, 13-14) for the supposed early Babylonian planetary order depends on his discussion of only 3 sources. Neugebauer 1975, 690 and Pingree 1978, 2.214, following Boll 1912, 2561 and Boll 1914, 342-344, suggest that the sequence Jupiter-Venus-Saturn-Mercury-Mars, which occurs cyclically in the sequence of Chaldean Terms, originates in a pre-Seleucid Babylonian convention for ordering the five planets.
Astral Associations of Mesopotamian Gods/Goddesses (1): Planets
|God/Goddess (Usual names.)||Planet (The ordinary name for planet in Babylonian is bibbu. The Sumerian term UDU.IDIM.MES (Akkadian bibbu) = wild sheep = planets. The Babylonian astronomers conceptualised a grouping of 7 planets (though not always in their astronomical texts). The Sun and Moon were grouped with the 5 actual planets that were visible.)||Comments||Cult Place(s)|
|Kugler: Shamash (= Samas) (god) = the Sun. Other god names: Bisebi.||The Sun||Shamash the sun god had close mythological connections with Ishtar, the goddess of the planet Venus.||
|Kugler: Sin (god) = the Moon. Other god names: Aku (Sumerian Nanna).||The Moon||Cult of Sin the Moon god at the Sumerian city of Ur. Also, Sin = Kaksidi.|
|Kugler: Nabu (god) = Mercury. Other god names: Bibbu / Lubatgud / Gudbir / Nusku / GUD.UD.||Mercury||Mercury is primarily the 'star' of the god Nabu (Nebo).|
|Kugler: Sarpanitu (goddess) = Venus. Other goddess names: Inanna / Ishtar / Zib / Delebat = Dilbat / Zib.||Venus||The astral aspects of Inanna relating to Venus, the star Sirius, and cometary imagery are well documented. (Also, Ishtar = Sirius.) The Semitic Ishtar cult was immensely popular. The goddess Sarpanitu is sometimes associated with Venus. The name Delebat (Dilbat) was given a determinative prefix for god/goddess but was not a name applied to anything other than the planet Venus. Ninsi'anna was the Sumerian goddess of the planet Venus, venerated as morning and evening star. Originally a female goddess, Ninsi'anna sometimes appears as male god in later texts under the influence of Semitic theology where Venus deities were usually male. After the Old Babylonian period, Dilbat replaced Ninsi'anna as a name for Venus, and this is the regular term for the planet Venus in astronomical tablets throughout the 1st-millennium BCE. The Iranians worshipped the planet Venus as the goddess Anahiti.||Cult places for Ninsi'anna: Temples in Ur, Sippar, Larsa, and Nippur.|
|Kugler: Nergal (god) = Mars. Other god names: Simutu / Mustabarrumutanu / An / ZalbadAnu / Ninib.||Mars||One of the most popular names of Mars was Salbatanu.|
|Kugler: Marduk (god) = Jupiter. Other god names: Dapinu / Umunsigea / Merodach / Nibir / Tebir / Sagmegar.||Jupiter||Marduk celebrations were held at the city of Nippur.||Marduk had a strong association with the city of Eridu.|
|Kugler: Ninib (god) = Saturn. Other god names: Lulim / Lubatsagus (Abbreviated SAGUS (Sagus)) / Gin / Lubad.||Saturn||The older form of the name = Ninurta.||
The cult of Ninib was prominent in Shirgulla and in Nippur. The great temple of Ninib was situated in Nimrud.
Astral Associations of Mesopotamian Gods/Goddesses (2): Constellations/Stars
|God/Goddess||City: There was no simple one-to one correspondence between a city and a constellation, however, there were some associations which appeared regularly.||Astral Association|
|Damkina (goddess). The 'lady of the earth.' (Originally a Sumerian goddess; earlier Sumerian name = Damgalnuna.)||(Sumerian city) Nina.||Astrologically associated with the 'Wagon of Heaven' (= Ursa Minor).|
|Damu (Originally a Sumerian god).||Girsu (also, a cult was established in Isin).||'Star of the god Damu,' or 'swine star' (= the 'sea-hog' (= Delphinus)).|
|Ellil (Akkadian). (Originally a Sumerian god; earlier Sumerian name Enlil).||Nippur.||Astrologically associated with the constellation Boötes.|
|Inanna (goddess)||Primary centre was the city of Uruk.||(1) the planet Venus, (2) the constellation Anunītu (= the eastern fish of the later zodiacal constellation Pisces), and (3) the star mulTIR.AN.NA was associated with Venus in Late Babylonian celestial divination practice.|
|Ishara (Late Sumerian period goddess; first appeared in the Northern Syria (Ebla) and Kizzuwatna (Southern Anatolia i.e., Luwian and Hurrian cultures)).||Goddess of Ebla but later established in Mesopotamia in Drehem in Ur III period.||(1) Astrologically associated with the constellation Scorpius (the goddess of Scorpius), and (2) called the mother of the Sibittu, the 7 unnamed gods (who may have been associated with the Pleiades).|
|Ištar (goddess)||Uruk||The 7 stars of the circumpolar Margidda (Wagon) constellation (= Ursa Major/'Big Dipper'). Also, Ishtar = Sirius.|
|Lugalirra and Meslamtaea (twin gods; originally Sumerian).||Kisiga (also, Kutha).||Great Twins (= Gemini).|
|Marduk (god)||(Babylonian city) Babylon.||(1) Esagil(a) temple, the temple where Marduk was worshipped was connected with mulIKU (the Field-star = Pegasus) because the temple was regarded as the terrestrial replica/image of the constellation, and (2) Orion.|
|Ninurta (god)||Nippur.||The star Sirius.|
|Ninmah (goddess). (Originally a Sumerian mother goddess; alias Nintu, alias Ninhursag).||Kěs.||(1) Vela (associated with a celestial area adjoining and overlapping Vela), and (2) Puppis (also Puppis and Vela). [Note: In some of the older literature the name of the mother goddess at Kêš (Nintur/Ninmah), is apparently identified with the Hydra constellation and with Scorpio; and the temple of Ninharsag in Kêš was apparently identified with the fish-goat constellation (our Capricorn). The city of Kêš and its temple were located in a vast field in heaven.]|
|Enki (god)||Eridu||The mul Nun-ki star of Eridu is apparently located in Argo. The god Enki-Ea ruled the cosmic domain of the Abyss.|
|Sala (goddess)||Adad.||(1) The Furrow (= part of the immediately adjacent constellation Virgo), and (2) the star Spica "ear of grain").|
Cuneiform tablet BM 47495 (a part of the 81-11-3 collection in the British Museum) contains a correlation of constellations with geographical units (mostly cities).
See the important discussion: "Cities" (Pages 207-216) in "Mesopotamian Astrological Geography" (Pages 201-216) by John Steele In: The Star of Bethlehem and the Magi edited by Peter Barthel and George van Kooten (2015). John Steele has explained there was not a simple one-to one correspondence between city and constellation, although there are some associations which appear regularly. The earliest text attesting to associations between constellations and cities is K 4386 (= CT 1919), a Neo-Assyrian copy of a lexical list from Nineveh.
Boundary-Stone Iconography: Constellation Symbols or God/Goddess Symbols?
Babylonian boundary-stone (kudurru) iconography (Kassite Period 1530-1160 BCE) includes the following depictions: Bull, Lion, Scorpion-Archer, and Goat-Fish (= Goat). In the early period of Assyriology it was common to identify these symbols (and others) as depictions of the zodiacal constellations. Further work in Assyriology has changed this assumption. It not established that constellations or constellation symbols are being depicted. It is established, however, that god/goddess symbols are depicted. For a recent attempt to establish the astral nature of kudurru symbols (from the Kassite Period, circa 1530-1160 BCE) see: "Eine neue Interpretation der Kudurru-Symbole," by Ulla Koch, Joachim Schaper, Susanne Fischer, and Michael Wegelin (Archive for History of Exact Sciences, Volume 41, 1990/1991, Pages 93-114). However, the attempts to date kudurru by assuming their iconography has astral significance and then using the arrangement of their iconography to establish astronomical dates is both speculative and unproven. Ursula Seidl, a present-day kudurru expert, maintains in her article "Göttersymbole und -attribute." (Reallexikon der Assyriologie (Dritter Band 3, 1957-1971, Pages 483-490)) that kudurru iconography has no astral significance. (See also her book: Die Babylonischen Kudurru-Reliefs Symbole Mesopotamischer Gottheiten (1989). In this book, regarded as the standard study of kudurru iconography, she maintains her scepticism that kudurru symbols have an astral significance.)
Kugler accepted some Kudduru symbols were astral. Obviously Sun (Shasmash), Moon (Nannar), and Venus (Inanna). Of some interest is Kugler's early article: Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1904). "Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgamesch: Kosmologische Würdigung des babylonischen Nationalepos." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 66, Part 1: Pages 432-449 + 2 fold-out diagrams, and Part 2: Pages 547-561). It is an examination of the Gilgamesh epic as astronomical mythology. This article - in which Kugler proposes an astral solution for the Gilgamesh myth - is Kugler's (last of several early) brief flirtations with the astral interpretation of mythology promoted by Panbabylonism. Kugler later (SSB1) repudiated the ideas he had expressed in the article.
This last flirtation by Franz Kugler with the astral tenets of Panbabylonism ("Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgamesh: Kosmologische Würdigung des babylonischen Nationalepos." was an examination of the Gilgamesh epic as astronomical mythology. (A few years later in his Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Buch 1, (1907) Kugler rejected the article.) In this 1904 essay Kugler agreed with Panbabylonism to a limited extent. At the time of its publication Kugler's essay was accepted as an excellent exposition proving the purely astral character of the Epic of Gilgamesh. Kugler at first was sympathetic to Panbabylonism, but later rejected it when he became convinced that any significant astronomy could not have existed in Mesopotamia before the era of Nabonassar. Late Mesopotamian and Hellenistic astronomers calculate the years by a chronological system called 'era of Nabonassar,' which began on February 26, 747 BCE. Regarding Kugler's, "Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgames, kosmologische Würdigung des babylon Nationalepos." In the epic of Gilgamesh (Table ix. cols. ii.–iv.) there is mention of 2 giant scorpion-'men,' one male and the other female, terrible giants, keepers of a door. Kugler believed in his 1904 article that he had shown that these (were) 2 celestial scorpions - reproduced in Babylonian sculptures - that were the 2 zodiacal constellations Scorpio and Sagittarius. This position was also argued earlier by Peter Jensen in his book, Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen (1900, Pages 205-210); and by Alfred Jeremias in his book, Izbubar-Nimrod. Eine Altbabylonische Heldensage (1891, Pages 66-68).
Kugler/Price and astral identifications in
Down to the 1st-century BCE Babylonian star-lore was steeped in mythical concepts, although this went together with exact astronomical observations.
Ancient Babylonia linked Ishtar with Sirius. In Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens, Morris Jastrow identifies Ninsun as Ishtar. Kugler identifies the goddess Ishtar is identical to Sirius. He writes that at 3000 BCE she lives as a consort of Tammuz from her heliacal setting, about April 1st, to her heliacal rising about June 20th. According to Kugler (Sternkunde und Sterndienst II) Ishtar-Sirius lives as a consort of Tammuz from her heliacal setting, circa May 1st, to her heliacal rising (circa July 20th), [calculated for 3000 BCE, from April 1st to June 20th]. This is the period of lush/luxuriant vegetation and of animal pairing/species pair bonding to raise offspring. (See Boyce, HZ I 74-5; Kugler, Sternkunde, II 84.)
In ancient Babylonia, Sirius was closely
associated with Spica. The 2 stars were represented by a single goddess,
held to be a manifestation of Ishtar. Spica was especially the star of the
6th month, which was presided over by Ishtar.
The Babylonians associated the planet Mercury with the advent of rain and flood. There were similarities with Iranian star-lore/uranography.
And like the sun Ninsumun/Sirius also seems to move along with Gudea wherever he goes. If Ninsun is identical to Ishtar as well as to Sirius then in March she is the evening star "following" the sun. And thus Ninsumun alias gracious Lamassu may also "follow" the steps of Gudea. (The Great Cylinder Inscriptions A & B of Gudea, Cylinder A, translated by Ira Price.)
City associations of god/goddesses
Sanctuaries of particular gods/goddesses:
(a) in the south:
En-ki at Eridu
Nannar (Sin) at Ur
Babbar (Shamash) at Larsa
Anu and Innana (Ishtar) at Uruk
En-lil (Bel) at Nippur
Marduk at Babylon
(b) in the north:
Shamash at Sippar
Nergal at Kutha
The Colours of the Planets
Graeco-Roman astronomers linked the respective planets to specific colours. The Babylonians identified planet colours. See: Antike Beobachtungen farbiger Sterne by Franz Boll (1916). In his proposed SSB3 Kugler could be expected to include discussion of ziggurat colours as well as planet colours.
Excursus: Babylonian/Mesopotamian triads: Not to be mistaken for the Christian doctrine of the Trinity (i.e., 3 gods/goddesses in one).
In Babylon und Christentum I, Kugler, under Remarks, referred to Babylon und Christentum II for elaboration of Babylonian god trinities.
The important triad of gods comprised Anu, Enlil (Marduk), and Ea (Enki). The Sumerian god Enlil was eventually replaced as the chief god of the Mesopotamian pantheon by the Babylonian national god Marduk. The Sumerian god Enki was later known as Ea in Akkadian and Babylonian mythology. The god Ea was one of the 3 most powerful gods in the Mesopotamian pantheon, along with Anu and Enlil. (Note: The god Anu was typically thought to have a consort (a goddess).) Another triad was comprised of Sin, the moon-god, Shamash, the sun-god, and Adad, or Hadad, the storm-god. (Note: The associated female figure was the goddess Ishtar.) See: Samuel Hooke, Babylonian and Assyrian Religion (1963, Pages 16-19).
Other apparent triads were: Ea, Marduk, and Nebu. Nebu, Ea, and Marduk were the gods of wisdom. Ea, Marduk, and Girru apparently also formed a triad.
The Babylonian triads played very minor roles in the practical religious life of the people.
Milky Way: The Babylonians identified the Milky Way with the tail of the goddess Tiamat; set in the sky by the god Marduk after he chased and killed her. According to Kugler the Milky Way was the Babylonian road of the gods/goddesses (Stimm. Maria-Laach, 1904, Pages 445f.)
Part 22: Later Concern With Chronology
Kugler's concern with chronology
Kugler made valuable contributions to ancient chronology/astronomical chronology. Astronomical chronology is the dating of historical events that are linked to astronomical observation. Its prerequisite is an uninterrupted and precisely known calendar in which the observations are expressed.
History and chronology are closely connected. Chronology is the backbone of history. Understanding history starts with chronology. By "chronology" is meant 'what happened, in which order.' Without chronology the correct reconstruction of history is impossible. A grasp of chronology is a fundamental skill required by any historian. Reconstructing the chronology of an ancient civilisation depends on reconstructing its calendar. (The efforts of Strassmaier, Epping, and Kugler led to the definitive solution of the problems of Babylonian intercalations.) Additional foundations for Mesopotamian chronological studies were laid by Kugler in his monumental studies Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1907-35) and Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) and by Sidersky's Etude sur la chronologie assyro-babylonienne (1916). For 7th-century BCE chronology, Maximillian Streck's Assurbanipal (1916) is also essential. Important syntheses were achieved by Olmstead, "The Chaldaean dynasty," Hebrew Union College Annual II (1925) 29-55, and "Cuneiform texts and Hellenistic chronology," Classical Philology XXXII, 1937, Pages 1-14. (See: Babylonian Chronology 626 BC – AD 75 by Richard A. Parker and Waldo H. Dubberstein, Page 10.)
Note: Kugler's chronological studies of Babylonian history began in 1912 with SSB Buch II, Teil II, Heft I and concluded in 1924 with SSB Buch II, Teil II, Heft II. However, Kugler did not completely abandon astronomy for chronology. Kugler continued to investigate astronomical and astrological texts as is evident by their inclusion SSB2.2.2. His chronological; investigations involved astronomical investigations.
It seems the explanation for Kugler's interest diverting to biblical chronology was prompted by his discovery in 1914 that a fragment of an astronomical tablet contained a chronological notice that confirmed and elucidated some verses in the Book of Maccabees (= 1Maccabees). As a result of his discovery Kugler was motivated to attempt a scientifically-based biblical chronology. He worked on his book, Von Moses to Paulus, from 1914 to 1922, a period of 8 years.
Note: The Books of the Maccabees (Machabees), comprise 4 books. None are included in the Hebrew Bible but all 4 appear in some manuscripts of the Septuagint. The first 2 books only are part of canonical scripture in the Septuagint and the Vulgate (hence are canonical to Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy) and are included in the Protestant Apocrypha. Of the 4 books which pass under this name—I, II, III, and IV Maccabees, only 1 Maccabees is regarded as reliable. 1 Maccabees, originally written in Hebrew and surviving in a Greek translation, relates the history of the Maccabees from 175 BCE until 134 BCE.
Brief history of early dating problems
In the 1880s 2 Babylonian king lists were published for the first time. However, because of mis-readings and the general uncertain state of interpretation at the time, the first chronological models placed the reigns of kings far too early. With the gradual publication of new lists and datings the estimated dates of their reigns were gradually placed lower. In particular, the time between the estimated rule of Sargon of Akkad and Hammurabi of Babylon began to lessen. Cuneiform chronology began to have the appearance of being somewhat firmly established, but exactness was not suitable achieved until the 2nd half of the 20th-century. Up to circa 1930 Sargon of Akkad was generally believed to have reigned circa 3,800 BCE. This chronological error partly influenced the early dating of Babylonian astronomy by the Panbabylonists to circa 3,000 BCE. During the hey-day of Panbabylonism (early 19th-century) the chronology of early Mesopotamian/Babylonia was in a confused state. Very early dates were mistakenly established (and encouraged by Panbabylonists). (Hammurabi was once dated to circa 2400 BCE. The Mari records indicate that Hammurabi was a contemporary of Shamshi-Adad, who is dated to circa 1700 BCE.) Mesopotamian/Babylonian chronology was not suitably stabilized until circa the 1940s. At the turn of the 19th-century Sargon of Akkad was dated to circa 3,800 BCE until decades later circa 2,350 BCE was confidently established. (In one of his publications Jeremias dated Sargon to 2,650 BCE.) Hermann Hilprecht (who was also a Lutheran minister) had no problem with dating Enshakushanna, an early king of Uruk, to circa 6,500 BCE. The current dating is circa 2,500 BCE. Prior to the 1950s new material always compelled lowering of dates. (See, for example: "A Third Revision of the Early Chronology of Western Asia" by William Albright (Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research, Number 88, December, 1942, Pages 28-36).
Kugler's increasing focus on chronology - as much as anything - also meant a departure from tedious calculations, the absence of a need for numerous collations, and somewhat easier demands, than those imposed by the study of mathematical astronomy texts. Also, Kugler no doubt found the subject absorbing. He spent some 12 years dealing with chronology - the same number of years he had spent on Babylonian astronomy and associated subjects.
Kugler's early chronological studies
Kugler's SSB and Von Moses bis Paulus are recognised as foundations for later chronological studies. Kugler diverted attention from Volumes 3 and 4 of SSB by giving attention to chronological issues. Schaumberger was also diverted from continuing work on diverse subjects that would conclude SSB Ergan. 4 by giving attention to chronology. The debt to Kugler is acknowledged in the Preface to Babylonian Chronology, 626 B.C. – A.D. 45 by Richard A. Parker and Waldo H. Dubberstein (1942). The study aimed to provide a brief, but complete and thorough, presentation of the data bearing upon the chronological problems of the Neo-Babylonian, Achaemenid Persian, and Seleucid periods. The great debt of the authors to Kugler and Sidersky for providing the background of the work is acknowledged. In "II King's Reigns" (Page 8) they wrote: "Dates from cuneiform astronomical texts are especially helpful for the chronology of the third and second centuries B.C. The foundations for a study of this kind were laid by Kugler in his monumental studies Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1907-35) and Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) and by Sidersky's Etude sur la chronologie assyro-babylonienne (1916)." This does not mean that all of Kugler's methods and conclusions are considered correct. Kugler made misjudgments with calendrical material. As example see: Barton, George. (1911). "The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns of Lugalanda and Urkagina." in Journal of the American Oriental Society, Volume 31, Number 3, Pages 251-271. Barton discusses that Kugler in SSB2, 1909, Pages 176-179, is mistaken in accepting the results of the French priest/assyriologist/archaeolgist Abbé Henri de Genouillac (1881-1940, ) published in Tablettes sumériennes archaïques. Matériaux pour servir à l'histoire de la société sumérienne (1909), XXI Anm 1 [Anm. (Anmerkungen) = footnote], Pages xviiff. [Tablettes sumériennes archaïques = TSA.] See also the (French-language) book review by Allotte de la Fuye (1844-1939, a French military officer, archaeologist and numismatist) in Revue de l'histoire des religions, Volume 60, 1909, Pages 83-87.
Kugler, SSB1 onwards, investigated Babylonian contract tablets. Dated contracts were important for chronological studies. But Kugler's chronological studies of Babylonian history really began in 1912 with SSB Buch II, Teil II, Heft I and concluded in 1924 with SSB Buch II, Teil II, Heft II. With the publication of his Ergan, Teil II, (1914), Kugler showed he was now directing considerable investigative time to chronological matters. This was part of his original plan for SSB2.In SSB2 Kugler called astronomy the <<Mother of Chronology>>. It has been pointed out that 2 important connections are (1) between astronomy and chronology, and (2) between chronology and history.
In 1912 Kugler announced his (brilliant) discovery that line 8 of the obverse of K 160, corresponding to line 21 of the obverse of K 2321 and K 3032, divinatory tablets now in the British Museum based on risings and settings of the planet Venus, recorded/contained the year formula of the 8th year of Ammisadnqa, 10th king of the First Dynasty of Babylon. The first year of his reign, Kugler concluded from comparative discussion of harvest contracts of the Code of Hammurabi, was 1977 BCE. Later, in 1922 (Von Moses bis Paulus, Pages 497-501), influenced by Ernst Weidner and Arthur Ungnad, and conceding more reliability to Assyrian chronological tradition than to his own previous calendarial calculations, he revised the date down 176 years to 1801 BCE.
Kugler in 1912 concluded that possible dates for Year 1 of the reign of Ammisaduqa were 2040 BCE, 1976 BCE, and 1856 BCE. He decided on 1976 BCE but in 1924 preferred 1800 BCE. During the 2nd half of the 20th-century the chronological discussions have mostly included the following 3 possible dates for Year 1 of Ammisaduqa's reign: 1702 BCE, 1646 BCE, and 1582 BCE. The solutions suggested by Kugler are no longer of chronological interest.
Kugler's proposed chronology using the so-called Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa is no longer regarded as reliable. The reliance on astronomical chronology has been in the past few decades assisted by the increasing importance of dendrochronology (tree-ring dating) and radiocarbon dating. The chronology of the Neo-Babylonian and Persian periods is verified by almost 50 cuneiform tablets comprising astronomical observations (daily texts, eclipse and planetary texts), mostly published in the volumes of Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts by Sachs and Hunger.
Ammisaduqa was the 10th king of the 1st dynasty of Babylon. The dating of the Old Babylonian kingdom is essential for establishing the chronology of the early civilisations of the ancient Near East. Egyptian synchronisms established in the first half of the 20th-century enable a sure chronological history of Babylonia and Assyria back to 1370 BCE. The Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa is still used in discussions attempting to fix an absolute chronology for the circa 300 years of the Old Assyrian period and of the Hammurabi dynasty.
Kugler's later chronological focus
Increasingly, Kugler gave attention to chronological issues. In his detailed studies of ancient chronology the relevant astronomical texts are studied in detail. Kugler's researches into the chronology of ancient Israel were published in 1922. Von Moses bis Paulus, by Kugler is mostly devoted to the Biblical chronology and calendar, and with a section, pages 234-300, maintaining the historical trustworthiness of Chronicles. Perhaps Kugler did not want to leave chronological studies with the Panbabylonist Weidner, etc. Joseph Epping before him had increasingly given attention to chronological issues. Joseph Hontheim also continued to publish on chronological issues. Extensive material for the chronology of the later periods of Babylonian (Mesopotamian) and Hellenistic history is scattered throughout Kugler's SSB and Ergänzungshefte and Von Moses bis Paulus. Von Moses bis Paulus contains a large amount of material for Seleucid period and Ptolemaic period chronology.
In Chapters VI and VII of Von Moses bis Paulus, Kugler concluded that 311 BCE was the start of the Seleucid Era; that 167 BCE was the year of the profanation of the Temple of Jerusalem by Antiochus IV (he pillaged the temple and offered a pig on its altar); and that 164 BCE was the year of the rededication (reconsecration) of the Temple in Jerusalem and the restoration of Jewish worship.
Kugler's later chronological focus was the last centuries BCE - the Seleucid period (320-141 BCE) and Arsacid (Parthian) period (circa 250 BCE-224 CE). The Seleucid kingdom/empire at its greatest extent stretched from Thrace in Europe to the border of India. There was Hellenistic influence upon northeastern Persia/Iran in the Arsacid period.Richard Parker and Waldo Dubberstein, the authors of Babylonian Chronology, 626 B.C.-A.D. 45, (1956) write (Page vii): "... our great debt to F. X. Kugler and D. Sidersky for providing the background of our work is obvious." Also, (Page 3): "Pioneer work in collecting and tabulating intercalary months was done by Kugler [SSB2] and Sidersky." For the Seleucid Era, Kugler in his SSB dealt with most of the chronological material which can be extracted from the astronomical texts. Kugler SSB2 (Pages 438-463) and Von Moses bis Paulus (Pages 309-344) ordered the then existing knowledge of the chronology of the Seleucid Period.
(Kugler SSB 1924 dealt with Assyrian-Babylonian and Babylonian chronology from 800 BCE to 1st-century CE (with attention to the 4th and 5th centuries BCE).) At the beginning of his 1924 fascicle of SSB - his final book-length publication - Kugler wrote (draft translation): "The final Part 2 of Volume 2 consists of 2 parts: the Assyrian-Babylonian chronology of the 7th, 8th, and 9th centuries BCE [starting page 323] and the Babylonian chronology of the last 6 centuries BCE [starting page 381]. ... The absence of suitable cuneiform texts has prevented the inclusion of the chronology of the older Assyrian and Kassite period. ... For the chronology of the last 6 centuries BCE, linguistic, historical, technical, astronomical, and astrological sources have been utilised."Kugler's 1924 fascicle, Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. II. Buch, II. Teil. Heft II. contained a brilliant discussion of the chronology of the last 6 centuries BCE (see Pages 382(sometimes given as 362)-438). Kugler analysed a large number of (then) unpublished cuneiform inscriptions with the names of then reigning Seleucid kings. He was able to determine the year - and often the month - of accession of most rulers of the Seleucid dynasty.
The valuable chronological researches of Kugler remain substantive and important and of lasting value. Johann Schaumberger stated that Kugler on all essential points had fixed the chronology for the last centuries BCE. See also: Babylonian Chronology 626 BC - AD 75 by Parker and Dubberstein (1956; especially pages 14-24). This publication owed a lot to the numerous calculations carried out by Schaumberger.
Source: Ancient Egyptian Chronology edited by Erik Hornung et. al. (2006), Page 266.
However, Kugler tended to be rather speculative with his later chronological studies. When dealing with the Seleucid period texts Kugler announced that new evidence, firmly fixed by astronomy, proved that Antigonus recaptured Babylonia in 302 BCE while Seleucus was fighting in India, and this enforced a change of the decisive battle of Ipsus from the supposedly fixed date of 301 BCE to 300 BCE. However, a critical review of the evidence Kugler gives finds his argument inadequate.
Kugler (SSB2, Page 411) used (and mistakenly misinterpreted) Strassmaier's Inscriften von Nebuchodonosor (1889), Text Number 249, as proof for an intercalated month Ululu in the 32nd year of Nebuchadnezzar II.
It has been noted that in his book, Von Moses bis Paulus, Kugler drew back from proposing historical chronology that would have opposed established theological explanation/expectation. Kugler was a pious priest and theologian. For once this influenced his scholarship/judgement. For theological reasons Kugler was unwilling to to accept that the post-exilic editor (circa 550 BCE) of Kings (= Book of Kings 1 and Book of Kings 2) had deliberately falsified the chronology. In Kugler's view the person responsible for the schematism in Kings was merely attempting, in the absence of historical evidence, to restore a number of figures which had been accidently corrupted. (See: Secrets of the Times by Jeremy Hughes (1990), Page 117.)
Note: In the personal final paragraph of his 1912 article on the star of Bethlehem, Kugler states that as a Jesuit priest he believes in a miraculous and inspired origin of the account of a star leading magi to Jerusalem.
Von Moses bis Paulus
In his great work From Moses to Paul, Investigations on the History of Israel (1922) Kugler set out his investigations into biblical chronology.
Von Moses bis Paulus is primarily concerned with Biblical chronology. It was inevitable that Kugler would give attention to Bible chronology. The 'surprise' is that he left it rather late in his career. Von Moses bis Paulus is a detailed investigation into biblical chronology. The book was published 2 years before he produced the concluding part of his SSB 2. It has been asserted that from 1914 to 1922 Kugler primarily gave attention to Bible chronology. (Compared with his productivity with his SSB project this is a great amount of time.) In the Vorrede (Preface) to Von Moses bis Paulus, Kugler writes of his long-term engagement with cuneiform literature, especially Babylonian astronomy. He points out, however, that this present study is not exclusively or even heavily based on astronomical or Assyriological tools. He makes the point that the book is a series of essays; the result of lengthy research, and indicates that the planning/preparation for the book began in 1914. Kugler expresses his gratitude for the support given by the publishing company and another German organisation for scientific research, in very difficult financial times.
Kugler made a significant contribution to Biblical chronology. His collected thoughts on this difficult subject appeared in, Von Moses bis Paulus: Forschungen zur Geschichte Israels (1922) [From Moses to Paul: Studies in the History of Israel]. The title sets out its scope. In his book he explained ancient usages regarding the calendar and fixed (attempted to fix) distant events to the exact day. The content of the book included a great deal of new data he had gathered from his readings of cuneiform tablets. Kugler's new chronology in Von Moses bis Paulus is based on revised Babylonian synchronisms and astronomical research. He used Chaldean lunar data. However, it was not always regarded as dependable. The Roman catholic theologian Albin van Hoonacker opposed Kugler placing the date of Ezra's mission in 458 BCE and Nehemiah' arrival in Jerusalem in 445 BCE. In his discussion of Kugler's view of the history of Ezra and Nehemiah, Prof. Albin van Hoonacker had no difficulty in showing that in all probability these two must be reversed, and the work of Nehemiah placed before that of Ezra.
In his 1922 monumental study of the chronology of the Bible, Von Moses bis Paulus, Kugler became yet another scholar who attempted the difficult task of harmonizing the synchronous reigns of the kings of Judah and Israel. The difficult and complex problem of harmonising the synchronous reigns of the kings of Judah and Israel (contained in Chronicles) has challenged the ingenuity of numerous scholars. In his Von Moses bis Paulus, Kugler maintained the historical trustworthiness of Chronicles (Pages 234-300). Chronicles is a single book that was first divided into two books by the Septuagint translators (the division became the norm).
However, at times Kugler's intellectual rigour was influenced by his theological beliefs. Also, at times he used rather doubtful and misguided pieces of "evidence." Kugler argued (pages 12-17), in spite of reasonable evidence to the contrary, that Abib is not a month name used in early Israel but rather a descriptor of some agricultural or seasonal event.
As a result of his researches, Kugler deviated from usual chronology. "The first modern scholar who broke with Ewald's and Wellhausen's evaluation of the chronological data of the books of Kings and Chronicles was F. X. Kugler, who as a professional astronomer and Assyriologist was able to evaluate from first-hand knowledge the astronomical and chronological source material of ancient Assyria and Babylonia. In his important treatment of "The Chronology of the Kings of Judah and Israel," published in 1922 [F. X. Kugler, Von Moses bis Paulus (1922, Pages 134-189)], he convincingly defended the biblical synchronisms as valuable chronological data and seriously tried to find solutions for the biblical chronology by using the data presenting the lengths of reign of the Hebrew kings as well as the synchronisms. He also utilized all non-biblical sources as far as they were pertinent to his study." ("From Bishop Ussher to Edwin R. Thiele." by Siegfried Horn. (Andrews University Seminary Studies, Spring 1980, Volume XVIII, Number 1, Pages 37-49; see page 47). Kugler brought his great astronomical knowledge to bear on the Old Testament, in his monumental book, Von Moses bis Paulus. The numerous factors complicating the chronology of the monarchic period include co-regencies, ancient calendar reckonings, synchronisms, etc. In their Babylonian Chronology 626 B.C.-A.D. 75 (1956 (= 3rd edition)), Parker and Dubberstein write (Page 10): "The foundations for a study of this kind were laid by Kugler in his monumental studies Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (1907-35) and Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) and by Sidersky's Étude sur la chronologie assyro-babylonienne (1916)." Kugler's new chronological proposals were based on revised Babylonian synchronisms and astronomical research. His discussion of "The Chronology Kings of Judah and Israel" was important. In dealing with the synchronisms between the chronicles of Judah and Israel, Kugler based his arguments upon similar synchronisms in early Babylonian lists, cross-referencing with Assyrian regnal years. The present trend of modern bible scholarship is to telescope the era of the Judges.
Kugler was willing to accept the biblical data as reliable unless proved otherwise. He also resurrected the methods of calendation and computation used by the ancient annalists. In addition he utilised all non-biblical sources that were relevant to his study. His method of approach was followed by the assyriologist Julius Lewy in 1927, and by the biblical scholars Joachim Begrich in 1929, and Sigmund Mowinckel in 1931. It was Edwin Thiele who later identified and explained the complex chronological principles employed by the ancient Hebrew scribes. (See: "The Chronology of the Kings of Judah and Israel." Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Volume 3, 1944, Pages 137-186.) Thiele's book, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings (revised edition 1994), is considered the classic and comprehensive work.
In The Gentile Times Reconsidered (2004, 4th edition), Carl Jonsson writes (Page 154): "Few, if any, have contributed as much to the study of the astronomical texts as Kugler. He published his results in a series of monumental works, such as Die Babylonische Mondrechnung (1901) (sic), Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Vol. I and II (1907-1924), and Von Moses bis Paulus (1922). The last two works include detailed studies of ancient chronology, in which the astronomical texts are fully developed and studied in depth." [and] "[Note] 1 Kugler's results are of lasting value. Dr. Schaumberger states that Kugler "on all essential points has fixed the chronology for the last centuries before Christ, having thus performed an invaluable service to the science of history." - P[ater]. J. Schaumberger, "Drei babylonische Planetentafeln der Seleukidenzeit," Orientalia, Vol.2, Nova Series (Rome, 1933), p. 99."
Some differences do appear between Von Moses bis Paulus (1922) and SSB 2 (1924). In his first discussion of the goal-year text (now identified as) LBAT 1216, Kugler, Von Moses bis Paulus, page 305, read "year 14." However, later in SSB 2 Kugler changed this reading to "year 15."
Source: The Fortnightly Review, Volume XXXI, Number 5, March 1, 1924, Pages 84-85. In the Preface, Kugler states the work outgrew the limits first intended for it.
The Roman Catholic theologian Albin-Augustin van Hoonacker (1857-1933), professor at the Faculty of Theology, Catholic University of Leuven (Belgium), opposed Kugler's new chronology. Kugler's Von Moses bis Paulus contained a critique of the chronological views (regarding Ezra and Nehemiah) held by van Hoonacker (first published in 1890). Kugler placed Ezra in 458 BCE and Nehemiah in 445 BCE. For a bibliography of their exchanges see the paper: "Nehemiah's Mission and its Background." by Harold Rowley (Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Volume 37, Number 2, March, 1955, Page 549. But see the critique: "Ezra-Nehemiah or Nehemiah-Ezra?: An Investigation into the Validity of the van Hoonacker Theory." by Carl Tuland (Andrews University Seminary Studies, Volume 12, January, 1974, Pages 47-62). Final agreement among biblical scholars has not yet been obtained.
In his Von Moses bis Paulus Kugler completely rejected the results of the historical criticism of the documents regarding the calendars of Israel. This made it very difficult for many people to accept most of his conclusions. At times Kugler's chosen explanations entirely overlook other relevant data and explanations. Some of Kugler's chronological calculations have been described as "adventurous." Their accuracy was not always readily accepted. In his book, Seven Years of Old Testament Study (1927, Page 42) John Maynard wrote "Kugler's new chronology is based on revised Babylonian synchronisms and astronomical research. Is it always dependable?" A few examples of some controversial aspects of Kugler's arguments: Kugler argued that the use of Canaanite month names in particular passages may be explained by an abortive attempt by Solomon to introduce Phoenician month names (Pages 12-17). Kugler used chronological overlaps as a harmonising device. Kugler considered it possible that the later editors of Kings used a different dating system from that used by contemporary chronologists (Pages 161-162). Kugler, like a number of other scholars, also concluded that harmony in biblical chronology could only be reached by altering some of the biblical figures. Joseph Hontheim was one of a number of scholars who would undertake their own chronological investigations and calculations and not rely on the authority of Kugler.
Source: Secrets of the Times: Myth and History in Biblical Chronology by Jeremy Hughes (1990, Page 117).
Excursus: Griechische Geschichte, Volume 4, Part 2 by Julius Beloch (2nd Edition, 1927) makes considerable use of Kugler's chronology studies. Karl Julius Beloch (1854-1929) was a respected German-born historian who taught in Rome from 1879 and after WWI became an Italian citizen.
Part 23: Naturalistic Interpretation of Cosmic Stories
Kugler's other work on religious issues
Kugler showed that the ancient Old Testament writers used to designate solar and lunar eclipses, as well as thunder-storms and other atmospheric darknesses as "rests" of the sun and moon. As example: The Book of Habakkuk (Habakkuk/Habacuc; a minor Jewish prophet), Chapter III, Verse II, reads: "The sun and the moon stand still in their habitation, in the light of thy arrows," i.e., "thy lightning." Consequently, "the sun stood still" simply means that the sun was covered with clouds. Other scholars, including Professor Jan/Jozef van Mierlo, S.J., and Professor Albin-Augustin van Hoonacker, also contended that the ancients used to designate solar and lunar eclipses, thunder-storms, and other atmospherical darknesses as "rest" of the sun and moon (e.g., Habacuc 3:11). However, see the different explanation given in "What Does "The Sun Stood Still" Mean?" by Robert Wilson in the Princeton Theological Review, Volume 16, Number 1, 1918, Pages 46-54. See also: Walton, John. (1994). "Joshua 10: 12-15 and Mesopotamian Celestial Omen Texts." In: Millard, Alan. et al. (Editors). Faith, Tradition, and History. (Pages 181-?). Celestial bodies standing still was common terminology used in Babylonia. Babylonian omen texts contain statements regarding the sun standing still. As example: In the State Archives of Assyria, Volume X, Report 145 says, "The 30th day became 'long.' In Volume VIII, Report 310 says, "If in Adar (XII) the sun stands still in the middle of noontime: the land will experience siege (and) misery."
Extract from: "What Does "The Sun Stood Still" Mean?" by Robert Wilson in the Princeton Theological Review, Volume 16, Number 1, 1918, Pages 46-48 (part of). The author also introduces a disputable eclipse explanation. I think he is another person who has blundered on these issues by not appreciating the nature of the texts he is dealing with. Bible scholars (who are also priests) have long dissected texts such as the Book of Joshua. It is generally agreed that the Book of Joshua with its numerous miracle stories is about the power of God/Yahweh. The narrative is constructed with a theological intent. The most striking story is Joshua, by means of God's/Yahweh's power, controlling the sun and the moon. The sun stands still at midday for a full day, in order for the Israelites to ensure a battle victory (Joshua 10:13). Joshua asking for extended daylight and the sun and moon described as halting, has been given a partial solar eclipse interpretation by some modern astronomers. Bible scholars have long recognised that the sun standing still story/motif belongs in the same category as the preceding hailstones story (Joshua 10:11). I cannot recall reading any article giving the solar eclipse explanation that recognises the link between God/Yahweh hurling hailstones - that also killed the 5 confederation kings - and the sun and moon becoming stationary at Joshua's request. The Bible scholar and theologian Thomas Thompson (The Mythic Past (1999, Page 44)) has made the point that removing aspects of the miracle stories, or removing God/Yahweh, simply does not help historical aspects of a story - it simply destroys the narrative.
See also the informative and more recent discussion: Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study in Ancient Near Eastern and Biblical History Writing by K. Lawson Younger. Jr. (1990, "The Long Day" Pages 211-220).
Interestingly, F. Richard Stephenson (Historical Eclipses and the Earth's Rotation (1997, Page 394)) gives a description of a 1147 CE German report of a solar eclipse observed from the Brauweiler monastery which records "This eclipse stood motionless for a whole hour, as noted on the 'clock' (horologio) ...." This time perception is a mistake - an exaggeration.
The Book of Joshua (a conquest narrative) contains numerous miracle stories and the book is about the power of Yahweh. The most striking story is Joshua, by means of Yahweh's power, controlling the sun and the moon (i.e., the sun standing still at midday for 24 hours). The sun stands still at midday for a full day (24 hours), in order for the Israelites to ensure a battle victory (Joshua 10:13). In the story the covenant god Yahweh acts on Joshua's request. "12 Then Joshua spoke to the LORD in the day when the LORD delivered up the Amorites before the sons of Israel, and he said in the sight of Israel, "O sun, stand still at Gibeon, And O moon in the valley of Aijalon." 13 So the sun stood still, and the moon stopped, Until the nation avenged themselves of their enemies. Is it not written in the book of Jashar? And the sun stopped in the middle of the sky and did not hasten to go down for about a whole day. 14 There was no day like that before it or after it, when the LORD listened to the voice of a man; for the LORD fought for Israel.…" New American Standard Bible. Astronomers blunder by looking for an astronomical phenomenon (i.e., an eclipse) in a theological story. Astronomers proposing a solution with a solar eclipse theory seem unable to appreciate the nature of the texts they are dealing with. This supposed occurrence does not fit with usual ancient eclipse lore. Because of the 24 hours it is perhaps in a different category for how it is considered.
Joshua asking for extended daylight and the sun and moon described as halting, has been given a partial solar eclipse interpretation by some modern scholars. The earliest solar eclipse explanation for what "occurred" was made in 1885 by Eduard Mahler (1857-1945; a Hungarian-Austrian astronomer, Orientalist, and natural scientist) who proposed 31 January 1296 BCE. Some 3-4 scholars have made similar claims with similar dates. The astronomer Göran Henriksson in 2004, using sophisticated astronomical software - using a version of the Gregorian calendar fixed to the Winter solstice - obtained the date 18 October 1207 BCE. This corresponds to 30 October 1207 in the Julian calendar. The account in Joshua and its partial solar eclipse interpretation is a mismatch. Also, it does not fit with usual ancient eclipse lore mentioned above. Because of the full day extension of daylight and the associated hailstone miracle story, it is in a different category for how it is considered. The sun standing still story belongs in the same category as the preceding hailstones story (Joshua 10:11). "…10 And the LORD confounded them before Israel, and He slew them with a great slaughter at Gibeon, and pursued them by the way of the ascent of Beth-horon and struck them as far as Azekah and Makkedah. 11 As they fled from before Israel, while they were at the descent of Beth-horon, the LORD threw large stones from heaven on them as far as Azekah, and they died; there were more who died from the hailstones than those whom the sons of Israel killed with the sword. 12 Then Joshua spoke to the LORD in the day when the LORD delivered up the Amorites before the sons of Israel, and he said in the sight of Israel, "O sun, stand still at Gibeon, And O moon in the valley of Aijalon."…" New American Standard Bible.
An annular eclipse interpretation is implausible, not least because the eclipse in question was only annular and would have been hardly noticeable.
The eclipse explanation presents a story contradiction. An annular eclipse explanation has been recently proposed. See: "Solar eclipse of 1207 BC helps to date pharaohs." by Colin Humphreys Graeme Waddington (Astronomy & Geophysics, Volume 58, Issue 5, 1 October 2017, Pages 5.39–5.42). However, Joshua wanted more daylight, not a 'shortening/lessening' of daylight with a brief duration annular solar eclipse. The 'double dusk' explanation and psychological perception of extended time - given as part of the explanation - are hardly supported by the Bible text. Not dealt with in any detail is the associated statement "There was never a day like that before or since ...." (Joshua 10:14). In Greek myth the god Zeus had the sun stay set for 36 hours while he romanced Alcmene. Zeus had the sun god Helius unharness his chariot for a day resulting in the world remaining dark an extra 24 hours. I have never seen any astronomical explanation attempted for this. It was noted by (the classical philologist) Mark Krenkel, "Biblische Parallelen zu Homerus." (Jahrbücher für Classische Philologie, Band 137, 1888, Pages 15-44), inter alia, that the passage from Joshua 10: 14 is parallel to that of Iliad 2:411-418 where Agamemnon prays to Zeus that the sun will not set before he has sacked Troy and killed Hector. (Also to be noted is that on Isaiah's request, Yahweh reverses the sun's course, in order to make an impression on King Hezekiah (2 Kings, 20: 8-11).) Perhaps somewhat relevant is Otto Neugebauers's statement (The Exact Sciences in Antiquity (1969)): "The common belief that we gain "historical perspective" with increasing distance seems to me utterly to misrepresent the actual situation. What we gain is merely confidence in generalizations which we would never dare make if we had access to the real wealth of contemporary evidence."
Bible scholars (who are also theologians/priests) have long dissected texts such as the Book of Joshua. It is generally agreed that the Book of Joshua with its numerous miracle stories is about the power of the covenant god Yahweh. The narrative is constructed with a theological intent. The most striking story is Joshua, by means of the power of the covenant god Yahweh, controlling the sun and the moon. The sun stands still at midday for a full day, in order for the Israelites to ensure a battle victory (Joshua 10:13). Joshua asking for extended daylight and the sun and moon described as halting, has been given a partial solar eclipse interpretation by some modern astronomers. Bible scholars have long recognised that the sun standing still story/motif belongs in the same category as the preceding hailstones story (Joshua 10:11). I cannot recall reading any article giving the solar eclipse explanation that recognises the link between the god Yahweh hurling hailstones - that also killed the 5 confederation kings - and the sun and moon becoming stationary at Joshua's request.
The biblical scholar and theologian Thomas Thompson (The Mythic Past (1999, Page 44)) has made the point that removing aspects of the miracle stories, or removing the god Yahweh, simply does not help historical aspects of a story - it simply destroys the narrative. (These issues are also applicable to the Magi's star.) This point does not seem to be understood by those people making astronomical interpretations.
Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (28 August 1749 – 22 March 1832), German literary figure, was one of several 19th-century figures that suggested the Phaeton myth had its origins in an extraterrestrial event. The astronomical event was the close passage of a large cosmic object resulting in widespread meteorite impacts with earth (Africa and Europe). Goethe’s view was developed by Kugler.
Late in life Kugler interpreted the Phaëton myth as a cosmic catastrophe that occurred circa the middle of the 2nd-millennium BCE. For Kugler it was legitimate to use mythology as a source for astronomical events. The story of Phaeton was assigned the date of circa 1550 BCE, by Kugler. In Kugler's reconstruction, "a sun-like meteorite" passed by Earth from south to north creating various disasters until it, or some portion of it, fell in the Thracian region. (= Fell to earth as a shower of large meteorites causing catastrophic fires and floods in Africa and eleswhere.) (As a geographical concept, Thrace designates a region bounded by the Balkan Mountains on the north, the Rhodope Mountains and the Aegean Sea on the south, and by the Black Sea and the Sea of Marmara on the east.) Bob Kobres stated that it is thought by many astronomers to be a small piece of Comet Encke. There have been many damaging falls witnessed by people during the 15,000, or more, year period of the comet's fragmentation history.
In 1927 Kugler published his study of Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung [The Sibylline battle of the stars and Phaëthon seen in natural history]. Kugler proposed that the myth held an astronomical interpretation as the historical core. The central idea of Kugler's slim booklet is the Greek myth of Phaëthon can be attributed to a meteor impact circa 1500/1550 BCE, that initiated fire and flood (tidal wave) disasters. The fire of Phaëthon, the Egyptian plagues, and the Greek myth of the flood known as the Deukalion are connected with the same event of circa 1500/1550 BCE.
Kugler explained the end section of the poem (Vs 512-531) within the framework of normal astronomical events. (Kugler analysed the written text of the Sibylline "Battle of the Stars" and established the position of the signs of the Zodiac in relation to the planets.) Kugler argued that in recent times a disaster of extra-terrestrial origin had engulfed the earth. The pivotal theory in Kugler's booklet is that the Greek myth of Phaëthon, one of the best known Greek myths, was based on an actual physical/celestial event dated circa 1500/1550 BCE., a large meteor impact in the Mediterranean sea. The monograph was published when Kugler was 65 years old. Kugler separated Hesiod's Phaëthon from the Phaëthon known from the poetry of Ovid and Nonnus.
Beginning with a passage in the Sibylline Oracles (V. 51 6), Kugler also traced the association of the lion with the Morning Star (Venus) through the literary and artistic traditions of the ancient Near East. The goddesses having lions as an attribute included the Phygian Cybele, and the Carthaginian Coelestis,
In Book V. of the Sibylline Oracle, the prominence of Venus-the Morning Star is expounded in the finale of the battle of the gods. Verse 512-516 set out: "I saw the threat of a brilliant 'Sun' among the stars and of a 'Moon's' terrible fury in lightning-flashes. The stars gave birth to the battle. ... The Morning Star directed the battle, by mounting on the back of the Lion." Kugler (1927) wrote (translation): "The 'insane finale' revealed itself as a pretty disguise for true natural events.... Two large meteorites of the same apparent size and shape of the Sun and the Moon appear threateningly in the sky, with their characteristic, accompanying displays. At this, the world of the stars enters into upheaval and the full star battle begins. The Morning Star (Venus) standing on the back of the Lion, gives the start of the battle.... The stars which, at the beginning of the battle, dominated the morning sky, finally sink into the Ocean and in so doing, they set the Earth on fire."
The 1979 (spiral bound) English translation by Guenter Koehler was titled The Sibylline Starwar and Phaethon In the Light of Natural History (52 pages, Omega Monograph Series, Translated for KRONOS). Leroy Ellenberger has kindly provided some biographical information on Guenter Koehler. He was born in Berlin in 1938 and lives in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. (Not to be confused with Guenter Koehler who was a German classicist/philologist. His 97-page PhD philological dissertation was titled Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaiser Valens (Jena, 1925).) An English-language summary of Kugler's booklet was made by Malcom Lowery in his article "F. X. Kugler – Almost a Catastrophist." (Interdisciplinary Study Group, Newsletter 2, September 1972, Pages 12-16). This was expanded and republished as "Father Kugler's Falling Star." (KRONOS, Volume 2, Number 4, 1977, Pages 3-28).
The central idea of Kugler's study is that one of the most famous and also strangest Greek myths, that of Phaëthon, can be attributed to an actual natural phenomenon – a meteorite strike on earth resulting from the earth being enveloped by a meteor stream - and can be dated to about 1500 BCE. Kugler argued that the Sibylline Oracles described the fall of a 'sun-like' meteorite to earth. Strictly, Kugler identifies 2 meteorites in the Sibylline 'legend' and connects these 2 meteorite falls/impacts with the fire of Phaëthon, and the flood of Deucalion. According to Kugler these 2 large meteorites of the same apparent size and shape to the Sun and the Moon. However, interestingly, the catastrophist Marinus van der Sluijs has written ("Phaethon and the Great Year." APEIRON, Volume 39, Issue 1, March 2006, Pages 57-90) that during the Hellenistic period the solstices of the Great Year were believed marked by cosmic disruptions; a cosmic winter flood and a cosmic summer fire. The Babylonian priest Berosus (flourished circa 290/280 BCE) is the source for this belief. Berosus (who settled for a while on the Greek island of Cos) wrote 3 books in Greek about the creation and early history of the world, and his predictions for the end of the world.
The verses comprising the Sibylline Oracles were written by Greek-speaking inhabitants of Egypt in the 1st-century BCE. According to the Venetian scholar Aloisius Rzach the Sibylline document, the Battle of the Stars (Sibylline Book V, Lines 512-553 (the finale)), is thought to represent some Hellenistic poem.
Wilhelm Gundel, an eminent German specialist in Hellenistic star lore, sharply critiqued Kugler's discussion of the Phaëthon myth. Gundel believed the poem was entirely dependent upon Hellenistic astrology. (See the (German-language) book review by Wilhelm Gundel in Gnomon, Band 4, 1928, Pages 449-451.) When time permits I will scan and post Gundel's handwritten original book review manuscript. As descriptive astronomy the constellation description has problems. The British classicist William Tarn discusses this and sets out they can be allegories for people. (See: "Alexander Helios and the Golden Age." (The Journal of Roman Studies, Volume 22, 1932, Pages 135-160).)
See also: Sibyllinische Weissagungen, Urtext und Vebersetzung by Alfons Kurfess (1951) who discusses (supports?) Kugler's interpretation. However, according to the French classicist/philologist and historian of religions, Henri Jeanmaire, who reviewed the book (Revue de l'histoire des religions, Tome 1, Number 1, 1952, Pages 107-110), the insertion of the astronomical theme at the end of Sibylline Book V is dated to the 1st-century CE. See further: "The Development of the Sibylline Traditions." by John Collins (Aufstieg und Niedergang der römanish Welt, Volume 20, Number 1, 1986, Pages 421-459). Supporters of Kugler's interpretation claim that the last verses of the 5th book (verses 512-531) of the Sibylline Oracles written by Greek-speaking inhabitants of Egypt in the 1st-century BCE contain an exact and expert report of a past astronomical disaster written as mystical vision of future destruction. According to Kugler the details of the Apocalypse predicted in the Sibylline books were taken from reports/records (as example: the Greek story of the Phaëthon myth) of the past astronomical disaster.
See also: History of Shock Waves, Explosions and Impact: A Chronological and Biographical Reference by Peter Krehl (2008).
Historically, Christians particularly connected the Phæthon story with a heaven-sent conflagration. Phæthon was interpreted as a 'falling star' by Johannes Malalas (Malelas), a Greek chronicler (The chronicle of John Malalas) who lived in Turkey (life dates: 491 CE, Antioch - 578 CE, Constantinople). (See: Eranos: Acta Philologica Suecana, Volumes 91-92, 1994.) The classicist James Diggle also shows support for this interpretation. (See his book: Euripides: Phaethon (1970; 2004).) Phaethon's fall manifested itself by heat and light phenomena, was a sudden and unexpected calamity, and occurred only once. However, the classicist George Goold (1922-2001) rejected the naturalistic meteorite explanation. Instead, he discussed its purely mythical meaning. (See: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Volume 77, January 1973, Page 154. Also, the wider discussion in the complete essay, "Phaethon, Sappho's Phaeon and the White Rock of Leuka." (Pages 137-177).) It appears it is a story told as a recollection from the past rather than a reading of the future. Also important is the discussion of the mythical elements in The Stars Will Fall From Heaven: Cosmic Catastrophe in the New Testament and its World by Edward Adams (2007). He points out that in Book V use is made of Stoic portraits of cosmic conflagration and Seneca's descriptions of cosmic conflagration.
Kugler's 1927 discussion of the Phaëthon myth was not a replacement for Buch III of SSB (as has been suggested). Material for Buch III was included in Buch II.
A (French-language) book review of Kugler's Sibyllinischer appears in Isis, Volume XII, 1929, Pages 156-157.
A Nickle Pickle Part B by Bob Kobres
A Nickle Pickle Part B by Bob Kobres (Carolina Bay Archivist, University of Georgia Libraries (now retired)) (http://abob.libs.uga.edu/bobk/nicb.html), posted circa 2000, introduces some confusion. He writes, somewhat ambiguously: "Olivier's statement would have certainly invoked a nod from any reader who had perused an essay published the year before by Franz Xavier Kugler. Kugler was a Jesuit priest who had devoted much of his life to the study of ancient cuneiform astronomical tablets. Like other philologists, Kugler had earlier in his career decided that some of the unearthed tablets he deciphered were purely fictional. This scholar's 1927 essay, Sybillinischer Sternkampf und Phaethon in naturgeschichtlicher Beitrage (The Sybilline Battle of the Stars and Phaethon Seen as Natural History), was published two years before his death. Apparently the emerging realization of how destructive a meteoroid impact could be, combined with his life-long study of ancient astronomical texts, prompted Kugler to re-evaluate his earlier interpretation of some of the clay tablets deciphered by him. The importance of Kugler's work stems from the fact that he was reading unearthed documents, not handed down tales. Researchers are, understandably, reluctant to put much faith in stories that have been passed along over many generations. Both the Sybylline Oracles and the story of Phaethon fall into this category. Though other sources establish these traditions as ancient, no really early written version of these works has been found. By pointing out features that such stories had in common with unearthed cuneiform texts, Kugler was able to shed some light on the original core of these tales. In Kugler's opinion, the destructive impact, around thirty-five hundred years ago, of a sun-like meteor, which he found chronicled on clay tablets, provided the inspiration for the Sibylline Battle of the Stars and the Phaethon legend." There are cuneiform records of meteors, and meteors form part of the Gilgamesh Epic. The only ancient Mesopotamian story that incorporates mention of meteors, as far as I am aware, is the Gilgamesh Epic. For a brief competent discussion (transliterations, translations, and comments) of the mention of meteors in the Gilgamesh Epic see The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic by Andrew George, Volume 1, 2002, Pages 173 & 175, and 553 & 555 and Volume 2, 2003, Page 802. George identifies that a meteor is meant for the first dream by Gilgamesh, but not the second dream. There is not, however, any cuneiform reports of meteors to match Kugler's interpretation of the Phaëthon myth.
Excursus: The Sibylline prophecies (books) originated in Asia Minor and Egypt. (Books 3 and 5 were written in Egypt (Alexandria). Books 3 and 5 are Jewish books having an Egyptian provenance.) The oldest of the surviving Sibylline oracles seem to be books 3-5, which were composed partly by Jews in Alexandria. 14 books and 8 fragments of Sibylline Oracles survive, in an edition of the 6th or 7th century AD. Apocalyptic Tendenz existed within the Egyptian Jewish diaspora. (Tendenz means a dominating point of view or purpose influencing the structure and content of a literary work.) The content of the 5th Sibylline book (Chapter 5) has been identified by John Collins as being influenced by a number of violent terrestrial-based events between Jews and gentiles which promoted a belief in cosmic conflagration and metahistorical salvation. Book 5 concludes with a battle of the stars which leaves the sky starless. The Sibylline texts (some 14) were assembled circa 6th-century CE by an unknown Byzantine scholar.
Part 24: Values For Arcus Visionis, Terminology
Kugler's values for arcus visionis
Arcus visionis is a term connected with horizon astronomy. The concept of 'arcus visionis' was introduced in Greek astronomy by Ptolemy circa 150 CE in his Almagest (Book VIII, 6 and Book XIII, 7).
The term 'arcus visionis' (AV) (Latin, 'arc of vision') is a figure denoting the altitude of the sun below the horizon (angular distance) when a particular celestial object is visible (exactly) on the horizon (rising or setting). The fainter the star/planet the larger the 'arcus vi8sionis.' In SSB1, in analysing some Babylonian texts containing risings and settings of stars and compiling a table of them, Kugler used the AV formulas/values developed by Walter Wislicenus. (Prof Dr Walter Wislicenus (1859-1905) was a German astronomer who studied astronomy in Leipzig and Strasbourg. After finishing his PhD, he became an assistant at Strasbourg Observatory, and afterwards a private lecturer and professor of astronomy. He taught at the University of Strasbourg starting in 1888, and was a professor from 1897 until his death. He focused on writing books on various astronomical topics and he founded the journal Astronomischer Jahresbericht (AJB), compiling and editing the first 6 volumes.) The AV values of Walter Wislicenus were similar to those formulated by Karl Schoch. See: Tafeln zur bestimmung der jährlichen auf- und untergänge der gestirne by Walter Wislicenus (1892, Volume 20 of Astronomische Gesellschaft). The AV formulas/values determined by Karl Schoch had 2 main variations (1924 and 1927).
An item in Kugler's last SSB volume (1924) forms to basis for the article "The "Arcus Visionis" of the Planets in Babylonian Observations" by Carl Schoch (MNRAS, Volume LXXXIV, 1924, Pages 731-734).
Arcus visionis = angle of the Sun below the horizon which makes the sky dark enough for a particular celestial object (star/planet) to be seen/visible on the horizon. The distance (angular distance) between the sun and the celestial object (star/planet) at that time is called the arcus visionis. If Earth had no atmosphere, a star or planet would appear on the horizon instants before the upper limb of the sun (= the true heliacal rise). The atmosphere refracts the light of the heliacally rising celestial object. The arcus visionis is also affected by dust (which scatters light), and the temperature change with height (which alters the air’s density and the refractive index of the celestial object). These factors are difficult to quantify. However, they are important in determining how far below the horizon the sun must be in order for a star or planet to be visible above it. Taking them into account (as accurately as possible) gives the heliacal rise or setting of the star or planet. The arcus visionis is subject to displacement over time.
The inner planets, Mercury and Venus, also can have a heliacal rising in the evening after sunset. This is not possible for the outer planets. A heliacal setting (not to be confused with the term diurnal setting) is the last opportunity to observe a celestial object (star/planet) in the evening after sunset (= last visibility). The inner planets Mercury and Venus can have a heliacal setting just before dawn. Regarding the planets. Noel Swerdlow (Ancient Astronomy and Celestial Divination (1999)) discusses the 'arcus visionis' is less for an acronycal rising than for a first visibility as the planet is brighter at acronycal rising when it is nearewr conjunction, and because the eastern horizon is darker in the evening than in the morning.
Excursus: Changing definitions of arcus visionis
Books using the term "arcus visionis" go as far back as 1532 (Petrus Apianus). The definition of "arcus visionis" changes over time. Ptolemy writes about the depression of the Sun ('that angle') at the moment of the particular (stellar) phase. Toomer adds to 'that angle' between square brackets the text '[Arcus Vsionis]'. So I think Ptolemy does not name this angle(?) Ptolemy, See: Claudius, Ptolemy's Almagest translated and edited by G. Toomer (1984, Page 413). Neugebauer and Schoch both name the angle 'arcus visionis' and indeed the depression of the Sun at the moment of the stellar phase (so they follow Ptolemy). (See: "The 'Arcus Visionis' of the planets in the Babylonian observations." by Carl Schoch (Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, Volume 84, 1924, Pages 731-34; Page 731; and History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy by Otto Neugebauer (1975, Part II , Page 927).) A change in definition occurs after 1975. Inklaar, de Jong and Schaefer, define "arcus visionis" as the difference between the star's and Sun's altitude at the moment of the star phase. (See: Inklaar, Frank. 1989. "Een nieuwe methode voor de berekening van heliakische opkomsten." University of Amsterdam, Page 11; de Jong, Teije. "The heliacal rising of Sirius." In: Ancient Egyptian Chronology edited by E. Horning, Rolf Krauss and D. Warburton. (2006., Page 434); Schaefer, Brad, "New methods and techniques for historical astronomy and archaeoastronomy." (Archaeoastronomy: The Journal of Astronomy in Culture, Volume XV, 2000, Pages 121-35, Page 125).)
Kugler's particular terminology
Otto Neugebauer modified and systematised the terms/notation originated by Franz Kugler. At times the reason Neugebauer modified the terms/notation of Kugler was in order to make it more consistent.
Kugler, DBM, termed System II (= System A) lunar tablet BM 32651 as a 'Lehrtafel' (instructional tablet) or 'Lehrtext' (instructional tablet), now called a 'Procedure Text.' Note: Kugler was only aware of the main fragment 76-11-17, 2418 (S+ [= Smith]).
Kugler, DBM and SSB 1 regarding the main Babylonian lunar and planetary schemes for modelling periodic phenomena (i.e., computing the position of the sun, moon, and the planets), termed them System I (uses 'linear zigzag functions,' now referred to as System B) and System II (uses 'step functions,' now refered to a System A).
Kugler (SSB2, Page 464ff) used the word "ephemeris" for astronomical texts of a different kind i.e., almanacs. Kugler's use has naturally been discontinued. Kugler, SSB 2 Page 465, termed the Almanacs "ephemerides of class II."
Kugler, SSB 1907-1924, termed the 'astronomical diaries' Mondbeobachtungstafeln or more simply Beobachtungstafeln. (In the 'astronomical diaries' the phenomena dealing with the moon were the most important of the astronomical events recorded.)
Kugler, SSB 1907-1924, (and Epping), termed Goal-Year Texts, 'Planetarische Hilfstafeln.'
Kugler's Jupiter observation tablet, which he called 'cardinal table,' SSB1, Pages 128-129 (ACT Number 611) comprised System A for Jupiter. "Jupiter Tafel Sp. II 575 + 42 + 107 + 68 +876 (Σ)." Neugebauer in ACT, Page 344, with Weidner's assistance for text fragments in Berlin, has "BM 34750 (= Sp.II,42 + Sp.II,68 + Sp.II,107 + Sp.II,574 + Sp.II,876 + VAT 1753 + VAT 1755 [reverse]." Now commonly referred to as Jupiter text BM 34750.
Kugler (and Epping) used the term 'ephemerides' to describe texts that Sachs later called 'almanacs.'
Part 25: Decoding Skill, Mistakes
Kugler's remarkable ability to decode astronomical cuneiform tablets
"When Kugler started his investigation of System A, no complete ephemeris was available; he thus ventured to deduce the rules for the computation of the longitudes of the conjunctions (column B) from the present text [BM 45688 = SH 81-7-6,93] though it contained only longitudes 6 or 5 months apart. That he succeeded seems to me one of the most impressive instances of his decoding abilities." (Neugebauer, ACT, Page 107.) The foundation for the understanding of the planetary texts was laid by Kugler and Pannekoek. Later contributions were due to Schnabel and van der Waerden.
The mathematical astronomy texts contained mostly numbers and lacked any identification/indication of their astronomical significance. "Kugler's achievement mainly consisted in shedding light on the true meaning of long lists of numbers accompanied with little, if any, explanatory text. His masterful interpreting of some fifty such tablets forms now a part of the combined edition of about three hundred tablets deciphered and interpreted by Neugebauer. Most of the tablets are from the Seleucid period ...." (Science and Creation by Stanley Jaki (1974), Page 88.)
Kugler deciphered, analysed, classified, and edited a range of astronomical cuneiform tablets. In the beginning Kugler's brilliant pioneering work received little attention. In SSB many important Late Babylonian astronomical tablets are reproduced in cuneiform script with phonetic transcriptions, accompanied by German translations and explanatory discussions. (The term "late Babylonian astronomical texts" is used to refer to the period circa 750 BCE to circa 100 CE.)
The 2 standard studies of Babylonian mathematical astronomy by Kugler comprise Die Babylonische Mondrechnung (1900), and Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, I Buch, Babylonische Planetenkunde (1907). Kugler achieved his results from a relatively small number of texts. He used 17 texts about the moon, 12 texts about Jupiter, 1 text about Saturn, 2 texts about Mercury, and 5 texts about Venus. These texts selected were the more extensive (larger) and least damaged of the larger number of texts available.
Kugler's analysis of System B was based upon a complete reconstruction of ACT 122 columns A through L The detail and insight of Kugler's analysis are considered extraordinary. For System A, Kugler relied primarily on SH 93 (= ACT 60), which lists only oppositions which are lunar eclipse possibilities. From this Kugler, DBM (1900) (Pages 55-88 and 115-202) was able to explain most of columns Τ, Φ, B, C, Ε, Ψ, F, G, J, C', K, and M. Schaumberger, in SSB Egan. 3, published completely all 17 columns of SH 93 (= ACT 122). The American-born British assyriologist Stephen Langdon (1876-1937) identifies (Letters to the Editor, The (London) Times, 27 December 1929, Page 6) that he was one of a number of people who supplied Kugler, Schoch, and Fotheringham with cuneiform documents on which they worked and "could only stand in astonishment at their amazing genius ...." As perhaps best example: BM 45688 (= SH 81-7-6,93) published by Kugler in BMR Plate 13. "The importance of this text was recognized long ago. Epping and Strassmaier gave a partial transcription in 1893 and discussed it in relation to older eclipse lists. When Kugler started his investigation of System A, no complete ephemeris was available; he thus ventured to deduce the rules for the computation of the longitudes of the conjunctions (column B) from the present text though it contained only longitudes 6 or 5 months apart. That he succeeded [see Kugler BMR, Page 55ff] seems to me one of the most impressive instances of of his decoding abilities." (ACT by Otto Neugebauer (1955, Volume 1, Page 107).)
It was not until 1924 that Kugler correctly determined the meanings of many previously misunderstood astronomical and meteorological terms in astronomical cuneiform texts. In 1935 Schaumberger made further contributions to such.
Kugler's mistakes in reading mathematical astronomical texts
Kugler made many minor errors. (As did Strassmaier.) See Neugebauer's numerous comments: Astronomical Cuneiform Texts by Otto Neugeubauer (1955). Interestingly, Kugler, in the colophon of a lunar ephemeris - mistakenly misread the name Sippar. (Also, Strassmaier - probably influenced by Pliny - assumed Sippar as the origin of astronomical texts (along with Babylon and Uruk).)
Kugler's mistakes in dating tablets
Both Strassmaier and Kugler made mistakes dating tablets and also made mistakes when 'correcting' known dating mistakes. See: "Dating problems in cuneiform tablets concerning the reign of Antigonus Monophthalmus." by Tom Boiy (Journal of the American Oriental Society, Volume 121, Issue 4, 2001, Pages 645-649).Ad hoc corrective sheets for SSB
Franz Kugler occasionally issued corrective sheets for his Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (or at least stated he would). (I have seen a single mention of their existence.) I would have expected them to be amongst Wilhelm Gundel's bound volumes of SSB, but this is not the case. Recovering copies may prove to be quite difficult. A query on Hastro-L during 2015 produced no response.
In SSB1 (1907) Pages 39-41: VI. "Eine Lehrprobe aus der babylonischen Astronomenschule." Kugler published a pre-Hellenistic Babylonian cuneiform tablet listing the juxtaposition of planets and zodiacal signs for exaltation and dejection. The tablet was interpreted correctly by Ernst Weidner.
For an example of Kugler engaging in more or less circular arguments see Kugler's 1911 article, "Der Ursprung der babylonischen Zahlensymbole ....".
Part 26: Assistance, Co-operation
Kugler's assistance from some fellow Jesuits at Valkenburg
The cooperation of additional collaborators is alluded to by Kugler in SSB1. At least once, Kugler acknowledges those Jesuit brothers at Valkenburg college who assisted him in checking his calculations. At least for SSB1, Kugler would seek the assistance of fellow Jesuits at Valkenburg klooster to independently review some of his calculations. (See, SSB1.) DBM and SSB1 were Kugler's most technical mathematical investigations. After SSB1 he may have not needed to continue seeking assistance with the review of his calculations.
Kugler perhaps used/drew upon volunteers within the capable group of mathematics students who comprised his class of higher mathematics. There is no reason to believe that students in the lower mathematics class had sufficient knowledge required to check the calculations. It appears the Kugler's class in higher mathematics was known for being challenging and difficult. A number of Jesuit students interested in taking the subject found they had to first spend time preparing for its content.
It is unlikely that the curriculum for higher mathematics at Valkenburg is recoverable. Presently it has not been possible to identify the text book(s) used in Kugler's higher mathematics class at Valkenburg. (Important subjects for Kugler, and assisting Jesuits, with higher mathematics were vector and tensor calculus, linear algegra, and spherical trigonometry.) There is little doubt that practical branches of mathematics (including astronomy) was taught, to help Jesuits gain patronage when travelling to overseas/far away destinations. The Jesuits were striving for scientific relevancy. (The origin of the Jesuits coincided with the beginning of modern science. Mathematical and experimental science was soon introduced in their programs in Jesuit colleges and universities.)
Antonie Pannekoek's remarks on Kugler's pioneering work
Antonie Pannekoek's book review (Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences, Volume 8, 1955, Pages 281-283) of Otto Neugebauer's Astronomical Cuneiform Texts is 50 percent discussion of Kugler's pioneering work. Pannekoek mentions that after Kugler published on Babylonian lunar theory (1900) and Babylonian planetary theory (1907) his attention then focused on non-mathematical texts [but these were uncompleted and unpublished], and Kugler never returned his attention to unresolved problems regarding Babylonian mathematical astronomy. Pannekoek wrote an early key paper on Babylonian astronomy ("Calculation of dates in the Babylonian tables of planets." (Koninklijke Nederlandse Academie der Wetenschappen, te Amsterdam, Proceedings, Volume 19, 1916, Pages 684–703)).
Kugler's cooperation with Carl Schoch
Carl Schoch worked with Franz Kugler, via correspondence. See the 2 archival letters (Benno Landsberger Estate) of Carl Schoch (Oxford) to the assyriologist Benno Landsberger, the first one (3 pages) dated 24.7.1924, the second one (6 pages) dated 9.8.1924. In both letters Schoch comments on aspects of Kugler's work.
Kugler and Alfred Pohl
Kugler, like Strassmaier, was involved in the initial training of future assyriologists. Kugler was directly involved in training the assyriologist Father Alfred Pohl S.J. (1890-1961). Circa the mid 1920s (I understand the exact year to be 1925) Pohl attended lectures/seminars at Valkenburg klooster that Kugler conducted on Assyriology (for 1 year only?). Pohl studied philosophy and theology at Valkenburg. In 1930, at the University of Berlin, he obtained a PhD in Assyriology(?) under the direction of Bruno Meissner. Pohl then became (from 1930) Professor of Akkadian Language and Literature and of Ancient Oriental History in the Oriental Faculty, and Professor of Old Testament History in the Biblical Faculty, at the Pontifical Biblical Institute (Rome). In 1932 he was given editorship of the review Orientalia, and some years later the editorship of the series Analecta Orientalia. (He remained the editor of these academic publications until his death.) In 1945 he became (and remained until his death) Dean of the Oriental Faculty. At the time of his death he was Professor of Assyriology.
I have not seen any information for other Jesuits studying assyriology (under Kugler) at Valkenburg.
Part 27: Time At Aachen
Study time or retirement at Aachen?
Retreats were given in Aachen. How this system worked I do not know.
Von Moses bis Paulus was published in 1922 and required 8 years of work. In the same year as its publication Kugler membership address for the Astronomischen Gesellschaft was listed as the Jesuit Residence/Retreat House at Aachen. Vierteljahrsschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, 57. Jahrgang (1922, Page 46): Mitglieder der Astronomischen Gesellschaft. 1. März 1922 [Members of the Astronomical Society. March 1 1922]. "Prof. Dr. F. X. Kugler, S. J., Aachen, Kurbrunnenstr. 42." This appears to have remained his listed address through to 1928. Kugler is listed there (Vierteljahrsschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft) for 1927 and 1928. (However, according to SSB2 (Page 322) was still at Valkenburg at least until 19 März 1924.) For his Sibyllinischer .... published in 1927 the address given by Kugler is Valkenburg (Holland), Ostern [Easter]. Up to the time of his first stroke in the Fall of 1928, Kugler was persisting in his work. (Fall = Autumn = September, October, and November.) It is not clearly stated where the initial stroke(s) occurred - Luzern, Valkenburg, or Aachen.
There was a Jesuit residence at Aachen = Jesuitenniederlassung, Kurbrunnenstraße 42. (Jesuit residence part of Church of the Immaculate Conception at Kurbrunnenstraße 42?) In 1858 the Jesuits acquired property in Aachen to build a residence, with funds donated by private persons. The property was reoccupied after the Jesuitengezetz. However, at some time a convalescent/retreat centre was organised Aachen (at this location). Valkenburg was connected by railroad with Aachen.
Kugler was 60 years old in 1922. It might be that he was retired from lecturing at Valkenburg. (But a study room may have been kept there for his use.) It is known that he suffered a long illness (a painful skin condition). A combination of illness and retirement may have been the reason for his Aachen address. After the publication of Sibyllinischer in 1927 he went (1928?) into the care of the Merciful Brothers of Maria Hilf, in Luzern/Lucerne. This move would have been precipitated by his first stroke. However, it is not exactly clear.
If Kugler was at Aachen in 1922 due to retirement/illness then continuation with SSB would likely have been difficult. Whether his papers were at Valkenburg, Aachen, or went with him to Lucerne - they were later accessible to Schaumberger.
Last Movements of Kugler
|1922||Aachen||Not enough information to establish if Kugler had retired from teaching at Valkenburg in/by 1922 (or circa 1922) due perhaps to a worsening skin condition. Age 60. His mailing address is the Jesuit Residence/Retreat House at Aachen. It is perhaps indicated Kugler was persisting in his work whilst resident at Aachen. One of his projects was Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung [The Sibylline battle of the stars and Phaëthon seen in natural history] published in 1927. Nothing else is known. In 1924 he had concluded SSB. (According to SSB2 (Page 322) he was still at Valkenburg at least until 19 März 1924.) Kugler appears to have remained at the Jesuit residence until the Fall (September-October-November) of 1928.|
|1928||Lucerne||After suffering his first stroke in late 1928 Kugler went into the care of the Merciful Brothers of Maria Hilf, in Luzern/Lucerne. Age 65/66.|
The Danish encyclopedia, Salmonsens konversationsleksikon / Anden Udgave / Bind XXVI: Supplement: A—Øyslebø / 2nd edition 1915-1930, 1930, Page 630 has the somewhat curious statement within the brief entry for Kugler, "... boede som Privatmand i Aachen." Draft translation = lived as a private man in Aachen. Perhaps this refers to Kugler's retirement from academic duties at Valkenburg, and being able to chose his own daily schedule. There is nothing to suggest Kugler was living independently. The "... boede som Privatmand i Aachen." excludes Aachen as simply a postal address for Kugler.
Part 28: Kugler And The Nature Of Babylonian Astronomy
Kugler and the origin of Babylonian astronomy
Kugler's view was that scientific astronomy in Babylonia went back to the 8th-century BCE. It developed out of earlier astrology. Also, the astral elements of Babylonian religion was connected with the early astrological beliefs. (The valuable ephemerides tablet Strassmaier Kambyses 400, dated 523 BCE, was regarded by Kugler as the (then) oldest known document of the scientific astronomy of the Babylonians.)
Kugler held that the early history of astral omens is closely interrelated to astronomy. (See: SSB Ergan., 1913, Pages 10-17.) Kugler believed that astral beliefs and astral omens originating during the Old Babylonian period eventually led to an increasing level of formalised sky observations that eventually resulted in scientific astronomy. Kugler believed that science originated in Babylon.
Astral religion (worship of the stars) refers to the cultic worship of heavenly bodies or deities associated with them. Babylonian astrology depended essentially on astral religion. However, astral religion, though it had oriental roots i.e., in Babylonia, was fundamentally a Hellenic creation, Pythagorean and Platonic. A fundamental idea of Pythagorean astronomers was the divinity of the astra, especially the planets. (See: "The Astral Religion of Antiquity and the "Thinking Machine" of Today." by George Sarton. In: Vistas in Astronomy edited by Arthur Beer (2 Volumes, 1955, Reprinted 1960) Volume 1, Pages 51-60.)
Perhaps the only point on which Kugler agreed with the Panbabylonists was that the origin of 'astrology,' as an expression of religious sentiment, historically preceded astronomy. This viewpoint by Kugler was the product of research results of the early 20th-century. In his SSB, Kugler viewed astral religion as the most noble (highest) form of polytheism. (Kugler did not view astral religion as a primitive aspect of religious behaviour and belief. He viewed it as the highest expression of polytheism.) According to Kugler 'astrology' was also the mother of astronomy. 'Astrology' was found upstream of a process which necessarily leads to astronomy. Kugler believed that without absolute conviction that the stars were messengers for the destiny of humankind the Babylonians would probably have never concerned themselves - apart from the Sun and Moon as regulators of time – with the scientific study of the stars.
See also Kugler's remarks in his Vorwort to SSB1, 1907 regarding the above.
Interestingly, Morris Jastrow pointed out (1911, Page 256): "In Babylonia and Assyria we have first 'astrology' and astronomy afterwards, in Greece we have the sequence reversed: astronomy first and astrology afterwards." Mathematical astrology did not come into existence until circa the commencement of the Christian era.
Primitive forms of celestial divination or astrology did not stimulate the growth of scientific astronomy. The American assyriologist Erica Reiner (1924-2005) believed that omen astronomy and mathematical astronomy were separate disciplines of scholarship; especially from the 5th-century BCE onwards. Omens had importance in the Neo-Assyrian empire. The pinnacle of Babylonian astrological influence was reached during the Hellenistic period. Astrology, based on an ancient Babylonian and Egyptian astral beliefs, took shape in the 3rd-century BCE. Extispicy (divination using entrails of sacrificed animals) was astrology's closest rival. Also, "The computational systems of Babylonian mathematical astronomy, which emerged at about the same time as did horoscopic astrology, cannot be accounted for by reason of their serving astrological purposes." (Rochberg, Francesca. "Babylonian Horoscopy: the Texts and their Relations." In: Swerdlow, Noel. (Editor). Ancient Astronomy and Celestial Divination. (1999, Pages 39-59; Page 55).
Kugler's belief in a modern level of science in Babylonian-Assyrian mathematical astronomy
Kugler's studies in Assyriology involving Babylonian astronomy/astral sciences were monumental pioneering achievements. However, his findings are now partially obsolete. An early assumption he had made was that a modern understanding of science was evident in the Babylonian-Assyrian mathematical astronomical texts. was later criticized. Kugler held that the late Babylonians (Chaldean astronomers) were beyond doubt scientists. However, this is rather naive. The astronomical cuneiform tablets (except mostly for the so-called Astronomical Diaries) don’t transmit/deal with actual observations but rather with mathematical procedures (which are separate from real time). This view of Kugler's was perhaps also linked to the ephemerides tablet Strassmaier Kambyses 400, dated 523 BCE. It was regarded by Kugler as the (then) oldest known document of the scientific astronomy of the Babylonians. (The assyriologist Francesca Rochberg has capably dealt with the issue of the concept of the practice of science within the Babylonian astral sciences.)
Strassmaier Cambyses 400
Kugler imperfectly understood the arrangement of the Neo-Babylonian astronomical text Strassmaier Cambyses 400 (now catalogued as BM 33066; also referred to as LBAT 1477). It is considered to be a very unusual text containing several inconsistencies. This particular baked clay tablet is essential for establishing connections between the Babylonian and Biblical chronologies, because it is an astronomical observation text containing lunar and planetary data for the 7th year (523/2 BCE, Achaemenid Dynasty) of Cambyses II (son of Cyrus II the Great who was the conqueror of Babylon). In the lines 19 to 22 of its reverse side, it records data for 2 eclipses and dates them according to the Babylonian calendar. It was purchased from Joseph Shemtob in 1881. It was copied by both Strassmaier and Pinches. BM 33066 was first published, although not fully understood, by Pinches, "An astronomical or astrological tablet from Babylon" (The Babylonian and Oriental Record, Volume IX, 1888, Pages 202–207). A copy was subsequently published by Strassmaier in Inscriften von Cambyses, König von Babylon (1890, drawing number 400). Working from a copy by Strassmaier (1890, drawing number 400), Epping (1890) and Kugler (1903) then deciphered the text, and a transliteration and translation was later published by Kugler (1907). Kugler transliterated and translated the entire tablet the tablet in SSB1, 1907, Pages 61-74. Kugler also commented on the tablet in 1903. An improved version (in the English-language) is given by Sachs and Hunger (1999[?], correctly 2001[?]). See: Astral Sciences in Mesopotamia by Hermann Hunger and David Pingree (1999). Also, Astronomical and Related Texts from Babylonia, Volume 5 edited by Hermann Hunger (2001, Pages 164-173) which contains an improved version (and in the English-language).
The Babylonian geography of the sky
According to Kugler the Babylonians conceived the sky as a tablet and the stars as the engravings of a stylus. (The symbolic concept of the sky as a tablet with divine writing dates to the Sumerians. of the 3rd-millennium BCE.) Obviously, Kugler was using the so-called Cylinder A of Gudea as a source.
Part 29: Schaumberger's Supplementary Volume Of SSB
Schaumberger's publication of a supplementary volume of SSB
After Kugler's death in 1929 a 3rd supplementary volume was completed in 1935 by Johann Schaumberger. This contained some of Kugler's unpublished material. However, in this 3rd supplement, Schaumberger worked with only a few new texts, and mostly further discussed known texts. (Hence we sometimes get the reference: Kugler, F. X., Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen, 3 volumes, Münster, 1907–1935.) Schaumberger, a member of the Redemptorist Order at Gars-am-Inn, Germany, had several years previously announced his intention to take up and continue/complete Kugler's work. Schaumberger, like Kugler, was a competent assyriologist, and astronomer. In 1931 he announced his intention to bring Kugler's unfinished SSB project to a satisfactory conclusion by publishing 2 further volumes (supplements), one of which would include a complete index to SSB. Basically it was Schaumberger's intention that the numerous unpublished astronomical cuneiform texts in Kugler's estate would be published to form a completion to SSB 1 and 2. However, after World War II, he worked slowly and sporadically on the project. The unfortunate result was that at the time of Schaumberger's death in 1955 the planned 4th supplementary volume to SSB was unfinished. It was to have been the concluding supplement with an index to the whole of SSB 1 and 2. It was announced on the back cover of Schaumberger's 3rd supplement to SSB (published 1935) as being in preparation, but never appeared in the 20 remaining years of his life. Schaumberger's published supplement and planned further supplement did not contain the material or address the subjects that Kugler had originally (and ambitiously) planned for SSB 3 (Sub-title: God types and cult forms) and SSB 4 (Sub-title: Astronomical and meteorological observations). Nevertheless, the completed parts of Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel comprise a monumental pioneering work without which, in the opinion of Otto Neugebauer, all further effort on understanding Babylonian mathematical astronomy would have been inconceivable.
The publication of Kugler's unpublished material on the gods/goddesses and cults in Babylonian religion was not proceeded with by Schaumberger. However, in published articles and SSB Ergan. 3, Schaumberger discussed eclipses. For an example of Schaumberger's mistakes with eclipse discussions see: Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal by Simo Parpola (2007), Letter 105, Pages 90-93. Numerous records of observations of lunar eclipses have been recovered from the site of Babylon during the 1870s and 1880s. The Diaries provide a full listing of both lunar and solar eclipses, observed and predicted. These were recovered in the 19th-century. They are recorded on Late Babylonian Texts - nearly all date from between 700 BCE and 50 BCE. Most of these tablets are very fragmentary and most are in the British Museum. Few records of solar eclipse observations from Babylon are preserved. Most celestial omens preserved from the Old Babylonian period concern lunar eclipses. Four lunar eclipse tablets are so far known from this period. A privately owned Old Babylonian cuneiform tablet tablet contains 19 omens from solar eclipses.
Schaumberger's comments in Ergan. 3
Schaumberger (Ergan. 3, Accompanying Word) states that Kugler's lifework was largely concerned with the first 2 volumes (1907-1924) and 2 Ergänzungshefte (1913-1914) of his projected 4-volume SSB project. Also, Kugler gave up his intention to write a 3rd volume on the history of Babylonian religion (Babylonian Gods and Cults). However, Kugler had made some progress with astronomical texts (especially observational texts) that was originally to form the intended 4th volume. In the 1920s Kugler had begun to refer to SSB3 as a volume that would contain these additional astronomical texts. The 3rd volume was never completed and never published by either Kugler or Schaumberger (even though Schaumberger stated his intention to do "shortly" i.e., likely the late 1930s). Schaumberger also indicated his intention to additionally publish a 4th Ergänzungshefte to Kugler's SSB project. This would deal with chronology and contain an index for all the parts comprising SSB. This also never appeared. The effect of WWII on Schaumberger's intentions is unknown.
In Ergan. 3 Schaumberger stated he had attempted to correctly identify the widths/boundaries of the ways of Anu, Enlil and Ea, and provide greater clarity about the distribution of the stars within the 3 ways.
Part 30: Kugler's Ill-health Issues, Death
Kugler's early health issues
It appears that Kugler, from an early age, had health problems (with his vocal cords at least) that prevented him from being able to undertake the life of an active priest, which he was initially interested in doing. Kugler had expressed interest in missionary work. It appears his desire to do missionary work was early. However, he did not have a strong voice for preaching. It was noted that Kugler had difficulties with his throat/vocal cords at least that did not enable him to preach. (He may also have had another health issue.) Instead of enabling him to do missionary work he was instead sent to the newly established scholasticate in Valkenburg. (Valkenburg college produced Jesuit missionaries.)
It is not known known exactly when his interest in investigating Babylonian astronomy occurred and whether it competed with or simply replaced his (unrealised) desire to do missionary work.
Kugler's long illness and death
Kugler (27.11.1862-25.1.1929) died aged 66 years and 2 months after a long illness. (One source writes: Eight weeks after his 67th birthday, Franz Xaver Kugler died in the Schloss Steinhof nursing home run by the Brothers of Mercy in Lucerne.) Presently I am unsure of the nature of this illness but it is indicated as being related to a painful skin condition. The Kugler obituary in Astronomische Nachrichten (Astronomical Notes) is nothing more than a one-line paragraph ("Todesanzeigen") announcing his death in Switzerland after a long and painful illness. (The fact of his multiple strokes was probably unknown.) Because of his illness Kugler was sent to the care of "Stone Yard" Nursing Home run by the Merciful Brothers of Maria Hilf, in Luzern/Lucerne. (It is indicated that Kugler had usually sought respite from health issues in Lucerne before being finally sent there.) Kugler's journey's to Lucerne was likely by train or by train and bus in the company of another Jesuit. Kugler died on January 25, 1929. It is perhaps possible he contracted skin diphtheria - a highly contagious bacterial disease not uncommon in Europe at this time - which can cause redness, sores, and ulcers. Joseph Epping may have suffered similarly. Diphtheria is caused by toxin-producing strains of the gram-positive bacillus Corynebacterium diphtheriae. There are four biotypes of the bacterium (gravis, mitis, intermedius, and belfanti), and each differs in the severity of disease it produces. Nontoxigenic strains are usually responsible for less severe cutaneous diphtheria.
Another possibility regarding the origin of Kugler's illness is whether the constant industrial chemical exposure during his years at Ditton Hall was connected to his later illness.
Whether Kugler was ever treated at Aachen's Marienhospital (Catholic general hospital, established 1853) is unknown.
Note: The obituary below identifies that between the Fall of 1928 and late January 1929, Kugler suffered 3 strokes. The 2nd stroke crippled him beyond hope of recovery and his death came shortly after the 3rd stroke.
Kugler obituary in The Woodstock Letters, Volume LVIII , Number 1, October, 1929, Pages 465-467. Though rather brief it contains information not found elsewhere. But not all information given is accurate. Kugler was 66 years and 1 month and 25 days old exactly - not 67 years (in his 67th year) - when he died (Western age system). The obituary sets out that Kugler met Epping at Exaten and later met Strassmaier at Ditton Hall. Note: Where several words in a sentence above have become obscured read: "His books caused quite a stir."
Possibilities for the location of Kugler's grave
Presently I have not been able to identify where Kugler was buried. Kugler died in Luzern/Lucerne whilst resident at the "Stone Yard" Nursing Home run by the Merciful Brothers of Maria Hilf. The "Stone Yard" was an ex-Palace acquired in 1924. A detailed history of the "Stone Yard" is contained in a pamphlet Die Geschichtes des Schlosses und Pflegeheim Steinhof (available from the "Stone Yard"). There is no indication that Kugler's body was transferred anywhere. Most likely Kugler was buried in a Catholic cemetery in Luzern, or a cemetery within the grounds of the "Stone Yard/Bruder house." It is unlikely his body was returned to Valkenburg. The Jesuit cemetery in the grounds of the Jesuit college at Valkenburg was destroyed during the Nazi occupation of the building, and converted into a grass field.
A funeral/burial service was most likely held for Kugler in the Jesuit church in Lucerne and then his body was:
(1) Returned to Valkenburg college and buried in the Jesuit cemetery there. (The cemetery was destroyed by the Nazis in 1942.)
(2) Buried in the Jesuit college, Maria-Hilf zu Schwyz, near Lucerne. (Was, or is, there a cemetery there?)
(3) Buried in a Roman Catholic cemetery in Lucerne. (Where is this (or these) located?)
(4) Buried in a cemetery in Lucerne under the control of the Catholic Brothers who ran the nursing home. (Where is this if it existed?)
(5) Buried within the grounds of the "Stone Yard/Bruder house."
The Nazi SS, which took over the Ignatius College in 1942, destroyed what had been the cemetery for the Jesuits since 1894. A solitary marker now indicates the resting place of 134 priests and brothers.
Note: Switzerland became an independent vice-province in 1947, and was therefore no longer part of the province Germania Superior.
Part 31: Legacy Of Work
Kugler's legacy of work
Kugler greatly expanded Epping's studies. Over a quarter of a century Kugler pioneered every aspect of Babylonian astronomy. (Even if only a few texts were studied.) Kugler's productivity was impressive. In addition to his books he also wrote approximately 20 journal articles. It is likely that Kugler has still contributed more to the study of Babylonian astronomical texts than any other scholar. His specific discoveries included Babylonian planetary theory A and planetary theory B, and late Greek use of Babylonian mathematical astronomy. Kugler's most famous chronological discovery was the identification of the reference to the year of "the golden throne," the formula for year 8 of the Old Babylonian period king Ammisaduqa. It was a brilliant reading for a scholar who was competent but not outstanding in cuneiform philology.
Kugler basically restricted his focus to the careful examination to certain types of texts (subject matter i.e., lunar and planetary theory, or to those relating to a theme i.e., chronology). Kugler's early focus (pre World War I) was Seleucid texts dealing with mathematical astronomy. Later (post World War I) Kugler focused on calendars and chronology (primarily of the Seleucid era). However, Kugler also extended his investigations to astronomical texts preceding the Seleucid era (by several centuries). (Kugler's studies dealt with both astronomical and religious context.) Though Kugler's publications are now dated and in need of revision they still remain important and eminently useful. Kugler traced the development of Babylonian astronomy under the dominion of the Persians, the Macedonians, and the Parthians until about the commencement of the Christian era. Through a succession of books and journal articles, as well as conference presentations, Kugler established a strong reputation as an authority on Babylonian astronomy. In his SSB Kugler included astronomical texts of all kinds. Kugler, in professional journals, basically published a few preliminary results of his studies.
Overall, Kugler's publications (books, pamphlets and some 20 articles) along with Schaumberger's contribution to SSB in 1935 (and articles), dealt with lunar theory, planetary theory, astronomical observations (observational texts), metrology, meteorological observations, uranography (star names), astral omens, astral mythology, panbabylonism, calendars (old Babylonian, Assyrian, and late Babylonian calendars), and chronology (both Mesopotamian chronology and Biblical chronology), and 'astrological' texts (including the correspondence of Esarhaddon). His SSB (and DBM) contained many of Johann Strassmaier's autographs of cuneiform tablets, and Strassmaier's/Kugler's phonetic transcriptions, and Kugler's German-language translations, and explanatory discussions. Some material of the type that would have comprised SSB 3 had appeared in his book Im Bannkreis Babels (1910) and a number of articles. (Babylonian astral religion received attention in SSB 2.) Some of the material also appeared in SSB and the 2 Ergänzung. (Kugler originally announced that SSB1 would deal with - as its title stated - the development of Babylonian planetary science from its beginnings to the time of Christ. It dealt with much more. Also there were the 2 Ergan., each dealing with a range of topics.) Some material of the type that would have comprised SSB 4 appeared in a number of articles. The Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. 3. Ergänzungsheft zum ersten und zweiten Buch (1935) by Johannes Schaumberger comprises studies that Kugler had left incomplete at the time of his death. Schaumberger was able to make further progress or complete these. (Like Kugler, Schaumberger also involved himself with chronological issues. In the last years of his life Schaumberger involved himself (1949, 1954-1955) in determining the chronology of the Old Akkadian and Ur III periods. Other distractions from SSB included carrying out the arduous calculations (mostly very accurately) for Richard Parker and Waldo Dubberstein's Babylonian Chronology: 626 B.C. - A.D. 75 (1956).)
Throughout SSB Kugler dealt sporadically with aspects of astronomical mythology. It is worth noting that Buch II of SSB had twice as many pages as Buch I. (SSB2 had XV + 630 pages.) Later studies/works by assyriologists have filled the gap for SSB 3, even if not in the manner Kugler would perhaps have chosen. An early example is Tammuz and Ishtar by Stephen Langdon (1914). Also, a number of scholars put together astral material on Babylonian gods/goddesses that appeared throughout (early parts of) SSB. Examples are Pantheon Babylonicum by Anton Deimel/Nikolaus Schneider (1914, in Latin); and Die Religion Babylons und Assyriens by Morris Jastrow Junior (2 Volumes in 3 Parts, 1905-1912, in German). Also, the lengthy study Die biblische und die babylonische Gottesidee by Johannes Hehn (1913) includes considerable study of astralmythologie/astralreligion. In SSB 2 (1909/1910) Kugler also has a chapter on the deification of kings. (Note: Babylonian astral religion is included as a subject in Kugler's SSB2. In SSB2 (see Einleitung [Introduction], Page 3) Kugler also included material on aspects of Sternreligion (and Astral/Star Lore).) In this regard SSB2 (1909/1910-1924) can be considered as 2 volumes in 1 i.e., containing subject matter that Kugler planned for SSB3 (but which never appeared as a separate volume).
Babylonian meteorological observations were quite selective. One of Kugler's papers in SSB 2.1 (1909) dealt with meteorology. A lengthy paper by Kugler on Babylonian meteorology appeared in Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale, Tome 8, 1911, Pages 107-130. (It was through Kugler that an insight into the meteorological system of the Babylonians was first directly obtained. The meteorological observations of the Babylonians were quite selective - focusing on optical phenomena, especially halos.) Other sources include: The Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society, Volume 34, 1908 (article based in part on the lecture "Die Anfänge der Meteorologie" (= "The Dawn of Meteorology"), by Gustav Hellman, published in Meteorologische Zeitschrift Braunschweig, Band 25[26?], 1908, November, Pages 481-491; Arthur Ungnad, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, Band 15, 1912, Columns 446-449; and Hermann Hunger, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie, Band 56, 1976, Columns 234-260; J. Neumann, Bulletin American Meteorological Society, Volume 58, 1977, Pages 1050-1055; and J. Neumann and Simo Parpola, "Wind Vanes in Ancient Mesopotamia," Bulletin American Meteorological Society, Volume 64?, 1983, Pages 1141-1143. Currently, (2010) Enrique Jiménez (Madrid, Spain) his completing his PhD project "The Winds in Cuneiform Literature." In his article, "Cuneiform Texts and Hellenistic Chronology." (Classical Philology, Volume 32, Number 1, January, 1937, Pages 1-14), Albert Olmstead expressed regret that Kugler abandoned his promised 3rd volume on Babylonian astronomy and instead pursued chronological investigations. However, in his SSB1 and SSB2, Kugler did quote from observational texts. The publication of Kugler's unpublished material on the gods/goddesses and cults in Babylonian religion was not proceeded with by Schaumberger. However, in published articles and SSB Ergan. 3, Schaumberger discussed eclipses. Kugler intended to highlight eclipses in SSB 4. However, since 1937, modern investigations into Babylonian observational astronomy has filled the void. Neugebauer wrote that the term "observational" texts is only in part justifiable. (It is usually there are approximately 1500 texts of the observational type. However, this excludes the Astrological Reports to the Kings.) The only true observational texts are (1) (Astrological) Reports to the (Assyrian) Kings, (2) Astronomical Diaries and (3) Tables/Texts of Specific Astronomical Phenomena. These texts have now been comprehensively published. The (Astrological) Reports to the (Assyrian) Kings by Simo Parpola and also by Hermann Hunger. The Astronomical Diaries by Abraham Sachs and (principally) Hermann Hunger. (The Sachs-Hunger volumes on the Astronomical Diaries (observational texts) are now completed (almost entirely through the effort of Hermann Hunger). See: Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from Babylon edited by Abraham Sachs and Hermann Hunger (7 Volumes, 1988-2014).) Tables/Texts of Specific Astronomical Phenomena (which include records of specific types of observations, including eclipses, lunar phenomena, observations/sightings of particular planets) have been published by a variety of scholars. For eclipses see: Historical Eclipses and Earth's Rotation by F. Richard Stephenson (1997) (See the (English-language) book review by J. Eric Jones in Journal of the British Astronomical Association, Volume 107, Number 4, 1997, Page 220); and Babylonian eclipse observations from 750 BC to 1 BC by Peter Huber and Salvo de Meis (2004). (See the (English-language) book review by John Britton in Journal for the History of Astronomy, Volume 36, Part 2, May, 2005, Pages 235-236.) In preparation by Francesca Rochberg is The Solar Eclipses of Enūma Anu Enlil: Šamaš Tablets 31-36. Also, on Babylonian catasterisms see: Cooley, Jeffrey. (2006). "A Star is Born: Mesopotamian and Classical Catasterisms." (Humanitas, Fall, Volume 30, Issue 1, Pages 8-16).
Note: Regarding "Einleitung" [Introduction], Page 3, in SSB2. Kugler wrote: "Zunächst sind es die Tatsachen des uralten, besonders anf politischem, rechtswissenschaftlichem und religiösem Gebiete sich offenbarenden babylonischen Kulturlebens, welche den Gedanken nahe legen, die Babylonier müfssten es doch wohl anch auf dem Gebiete der Himmelsforschung schon im 2. Jahrtansend v. Chr. sehr weit gebracht haben, da ja die uralte bis ins 3., wenn nicht sogar ins 1. Jahrtausend, zurüchreichende Sternreligion und -Divination die gelehrten Priester von selbst auf die Erforschung der Himmelsbewegung hinlenkte." (Rough draft translation: Astral observations and beliefs that influenced the political, legal, and religious spheres were already established in the 2nd-millennium. This situation likely extended back to the 3rd-millennium BCE. The situation continued into the 1st-millennium. Astral observations and beliefs over this extended period of time remained the exclusive specialty of learned priests. The terms astralmythologie. astrologie, divination, and sternreligion appear throughout SSB2 and Ergänzungen1+2 (but not astralreligion). All 7 parts of SSB (the last part as Ergänzungen3 by Schaumberger) carry the sub-heading: Assyriologische, Astronomische, und Astralmythologische Untersuchungen. In IBB (1910) astralmythologie, astralreligion, and astrologie appear (but not divination, and sternreligion). Only the term astrologie appears in Ergänzungen3 by Schaumberger.)
Reiner-Pingree published 3 studies on planetary omen texts (2 on Venus and 1 on Jupiter, and a study of constellations and star names on Enuma Anu Enlil omen series tablets 50 & 51). See: Babylonian Planetary Omens Parts 1-4 (1975, 1981, 1998, & 2005). David Pingree and Hermann Hunger published on Mul.Apin. (See: Hunger, Hermann. and Pingree, David. (1989). Mul.Apin: An Astronomical Compendium in Cuneiform. The standard study of the astronomy of the Mul.Apin series.
In his Von Moses bis Paulus; Forschungen zur Geschichte Israels (1922), Kugler included an analysis of further cuneiform tablets relevant to establishing Biblical chronology.
Between 1907 and 1914, Kugler established a detailed understanding of Babylonian mathematical astronomy. Until 1948 very few texts relating to Babylonian observational (and other non-mathematical cuneiform texts) were known.
The pioneering work of Strassmaier, Epping, and Kugler showed that in antiquity there existed an astronomical tradition that was quite different than that already known to us from the work of Ptolemy and his successors.
Assessment of Kugler and his work by scholars
Albert Olmstead's summary assessment of Kugler and his work
"Babylonian Astronomy - Historical Sketch 1." by Albert Olmstead (The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Volume LV, Number 2, April, 1938, Pages 113-129 (Pages 113-114)): "Almost everything we know with certainty about Babylonian astronomy is due to the Jesuit, Father Kugler, who alone has had the patience to make the complicated calculations necessary to understand tablets where little or nothing more than tables of figures are presented, and his Sternkunde is the mine all must work.' This was in itself a life-task, and we must not blame him if he did not learn more cuneiform, if he was more interested in the signs as a sort of A, B, C, x, y, z, needed for his calculations, while not attempting to understand what was actually in the minds of these ancient scholars, and was content to present the raw material, leaving to others the history of the subject."
The points being made by Olmstead are: (1) Kugler learned cuneiform adequate for his needs/investigations. (2) Kugler's main interest was initially the the mathematical meaning of cuneiform signs on astronomical tablets. (His later focus was Babylonian chronology.) (3) Kugler very much wanted to ensure he understood the mathematical signs correctly - to ensure his calculations could be done correctly. (4) Kugler was not attempting to understand what was in the minds of the ancient Babylonian scribes. (5) Kugler was content to work on and present the raw material. (6) Kugler was not intent on writing a history of Babylonian astronomy. (7) Kugler was content for other scholars to write the history of Babylonian astronomy.
William Albright's assessment of Kugler
W. F. Albright described Kugler as "a competent astronomer and an Assyriologist of no mean ability."
Stephen Langdon's assessment of Kugler
The American-born British assyriologist Stephen Langdon (1876-1937) wrote in his obituary letter (Letters to the Editor, The (London) Times, 27 December 1929, Page 6) that Kugler was a scholar of outstanding genius. Also, among assyriologists his books will forever remain classics, indispensable, and models of scientific investigations.
Part 32: Miscellaneous
Kugler as theologian
Kugler was a Jesuit priest and theologian. His last 2 publications (excepting Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in Naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung) were concerned with religion. He carried out priestly duties such as hearing confessions.
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1927). "Vom Hohen Lied und seiner kriegerischen Braut." (Scholastik: Vierteljahresschrift für Theologie und Philosophie, Band 2 [1. Heft des 2. Jahrg.], Pages 38-52). [Note: Robert van Gent has "see also Pages 93-? [Wittekindt]."] In this essay Kugler also includes consideration of whether various references in the Song of Songs refer to the Akkadian Ishtar in her double capacity as goddess of love and war. He calls attention to parallels between the warlike bride of the Song of Songs/Song of Solomon and the goddess Ishtar. Scholastik has now become Theologie und Philosophie. I have not seen the article and do not know what sort of insight Kugler had to the Ishtar, the Near Eastern virgin goddess of love and war, being behind the warlike bride of the Song of Songs. He seems not to have pursued recognition of connections and resulting theological issues.
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1928). "Drei schwer verkannte Daten der israelitischen Kulturgeschichte." (Stimmen der Zeit, Band 114, Pages 93-105). [Note: The title sometimes appears as "Drei schwer verkannte Daten der israelitischen Kultgeschichte."]
The Star of Bethlehem
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1912). "Der Stern von Bethlehem." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 83, Heft 5, Pages 481-492). In the final paragraph of his article Kugler writes that as a Jesuit priest he believes in a miraculous and inspired origin of the account of a star leading magi to Jerusalem. In this short paper referring to both the German astronomer Kritzinger and the German theologian Voigt, Kugler reviewed many of the arguments pro and contra the conjunction hypothesis. See: Hans Hermann Kritzinger, Der Stern der Weisen: Astronomisch-kritische Studie (1911, 120 Pages). Heinrich Gisbert Voigt, Die Geschichte Jesu und der Astrologie: eine religionsgeschichtliche und chronologische Untersuchung zu der Erzählung von den Weisen aus dem Morgenlande (1911, 225 Pages).)
Kugler as Humanist
In one short biographical entry on Franz Kugler the term "Humanist" is used. I think the term "Humanist" intends to mean: German humanist - a text-centred scholar whose cornerstones of erudition were/are the ancient world and theology.)
Kugler's personality and temperament
It has been remarked that it was easy to be on bad terms with Kugler. Kugler became involved in a number of personal (i.e., his harsh treatment of Strassmaier in correspondence) and scientific (i.e., Panbabylonism) controversies (in publications and congress presentations). However, this may be a little one-sided. "Dr. Herzog in his article pays high tribute to his religious spirit, deep scholarship and his geniality and he makes mention of the high esteem in which he was held both in and outside the Society." See: "Francis X. Kugler, S.J." by Henry Brock S.J. (Bulletin of the American Association of Jesuit Scientists (Eastern Section), Volume VII, Number 2, (no date but circa 1929/1930), Pages 17-19; Page 19). Kugler also generous and empathic in that he gave his own money to people calling at Valkenburg klooster seeking some immediate financial assistance to tide them over.
Kugler was an attendee at the XV International Oriental Congress, held in Copenhagen (Denmark) in August, 1908. Delegates from Academic Institutions listed as attending included Alfred Jeremias (Allemagne (= Germany)) and Franz Kugler (Pays-bas (= Netherlands). Both were listed as members of the Congress of Orientalists. In the Semitic languages stream Franz Kugler presented a formal paper titled: "Die symbolische Bedeutung der 9-Zahl in historischen und religiōsen Keilinschriften" (Séance de l'après-midi (5e séance), à 3 heures et demie). No indication of a formal presentation by Alfred Jeremias is indicated. However it is indicated that remarks by Franz Kugler were commented upon by Alfred Jeremias (Séance du mercredi 19 août, Séance du matin (6e séance), à 9 heures). It is indicated that Alfred Jeremias issued his Das Alter babylonischen Astronomie (1908) at the Oriental Congress in Copenhagen. It was an attempt to refute the criticisms made by Kugler, etc. (See: Proceedings of the International Congress of Orientalists, at Copenhagen 1908.)
Correspondence / correspondents
Persons whom Kugler corresponded with - or corresponded with Kugler - demonstrably include: Johann Strassmaier Giovanni Schiaparelli, Franz Cumont, Carl Schoch (see: Venus Tablets, Page 42), and (if I remember correctly) Edward Maunder (who also corresponded with Johann Strassmaier). Kugler corresponded with the British chronologist John Fotheringham. There is little doubt that other persons included Stephen Langdon, Franz Boll, and perhaps Antonie Pannekoek. Edward van den Heuvel (1940- ) a Dutch astronomer and now emeritus professor at the Astronomical Institute Anton Pannekoek of the University of Amsterdam has written several (Dutch-language) biographical studies on Antonie Pannekoek and would likely know of any Pannekoek-Kugler correspondence and whether it is preserved.
The letters that Schiaparelli received from Kugler are held in the Schiaparelli archives at the University of Milan (Università degli Studi di Milano). The letters that Cumont received from Kugler are held in the Cumont archives at l'Academia Belgica in Rome (Academia Belgica, Rome). The only other source of Kugler correspondence I know of are held at the Archiv der Deutschen Provinz der Jesuiten in Munich.
Carl Schoch worked with Franz Kugler, via correspondence. See the 2 archival letters (Benno Landsberger Estate) of Carl Schoch (Oxford) to the assyriologist Benno Landsberger, the first one (3 pages) dated 24.7.1924, the second one (6 pages) dated 9.8.1924. In both letters Schoch comments on aspects of Kugler's work.
Nachlaß Carl Bezold Universitätsbibliothek, Heidelberg: Letter from Johann Strassmaier to Carl Bezold, copy of a letter from Carl Bezold to Johann Strassmaier, copy of a letter from Carl Bezold to Franz Kugler. Nachlaß Franz Boll Universitätsbibliothek, Heidelberg: Letter from Franz Kugler to Franz Boll.
As example: A short letter from Franz Kugler to Franz Cumont.
Whether the Dutch astronomer Anton Pannekock (who published several important pioneering papers on Babylonian astronomy) ever met Kugler is not known. It is perhaps likely as they both resided in the Netherlands.
Kugler as copyist?
Kugler did not confine himself to only studying texts provided by Strassmaier. Kugler was interested in published texts that had any bearing on the history and achievements of Babylonian astronomy.
A source states: For the text of N [an abbreviation] Hermann Hunger, for his transliteration, relied on the copy made by Kugler, and published in Sternkunde und Sterndeinst in Babel (1910). [Note: This is somewhat confusing/a mistake. I cannot identify the particular text in SSB (1910; more accurately 1909/1910).] Kugler' s edition was published in SSB, 1907, Plate 23 (BM 33779 only). It is a fragment of a 4-column tablet. See Hunger's transliteration: H. Hunger and D. Pingree, AfO Band 24, Page 43. Otto Neugebauer, "Studies in Ancient Astronomy VIII: The Water Clock in Babylonian Astronomy." Isis, Volume 37, Issue 1/2, 1947, Page 41 revised Kugler's reading: "Kugler ... gives e-na, which is certainly a misreading of ma-na."
Details on page (left to right descending]. Note: No copyist identifier or date copied. Likely Kugler's transcription of a drawing by Strassmaier.:
Nr. 26. Rm IV 337. Tafel XXIII.
Nr. 27. Sp I 337.
Nr. 28. Sp I 383.
Some details on page (left to right descending]:
Verzeichnis der Keilschrifttexte
Tafel XXIII. Nr. 26. Rm IV 337. Heliakische Aufgänge von Fixsternen. [S 230]. Vorderseite Rm IV 337. Line 9 e-na.
Kugler's visits to the British Museum to access cuneiform tablets would be subject to British Museum rules. Details (i.e., collation) and dates of Kugler's visits now appear to be lost.
Kugler's ability to travel
Once he had completed his Jesuit training it was likely that Kugler could travel without any being under any supervision. It is indicated that Kugler was held in high regard at Valkenburg.
At the end if the 19th-century and the beginning of the 20th-century new train networks sped passengers easily across the European continent and steamships took passengers rapidly and comfortably across the seas, and the English channel. Valkenburg station, in Limburg province, was opened in October 1853. Valkenburg railway station is one of the oldest railway stations in the Netherlands - it is the oldest surviving station in the Netherlands. It remains in occasional use. The railway station was only 5-10 minutes walk from the klooster. It was initially serviced by Belgium Rail. As a result of its acquiring the Grand Central Belge Company in 1897 the Belgian government owned, for some time, some border lines in the Netherlands, including the line to Valkenburg. Effectively, they also controlled Valkenburg Station.
The Jesuit order showed flexibility with Kugler regarding travel for scholarly purposes. Prior to WWI he made a number of trips to the British Museum for the purposes of collation. He also attended several annual meetings of The International Oriental Congress. He was an attendee at the XV International Oriental Congress, held in Copenhagen (Denmark) in August, 1908. Delegates from Academic Institutions listed as attending included Alfred Jeremias (Allemagne (= Germany)) and Franz Kugler (Pays-bas (= Netherlands). Both were listed as members of the Congress of Orientalists. Also listed as attending was Pater Aug[uste]. Merak (also from Valkenburg College). In conformity with Jesuit rules, Kugler and Merak would have travelled together by train and/or boat). In the Semitic languages stream Franz Kugler presented a formal paper titled: "Die symbolische Bedeutung der 9-Zahl in historischen und religiōsen Keilinschriften" (Séance de l'après-midi (5e séance), à 3 heures et demie). No indication of a formal presentation by Alfred Jeremias is indicated. However it is indicated that remarks by Franz Kugler were commented upon by Alfred Jeremias (Séance du mercredi 19 août, Séance du matin (6e séance), à 9 heures). It is indicated that Alfred Jeremias issued his Das Alter babylonischen Astronomie (1908) at the Oriental Congress in Copenhagen. It was an attempt to refute the criticisms made by Kugler, etc. (See: Proceedings of the International Congress of Orientalists, at Copenhagen 1908.) (Unfortunately not all of these early conference proceedings were published/published completely.) The Tunguska event occurred on June 30, 1908. Kugler was at Sankt Andreas Kollegiet (Sankt Andreas Kollegium) in Ordrup near Charlottenlund (Dänemark) by at least August 2, 1908. (Charlottenlund is a suburban area on the coast north of Copenhagen, Denmark.) It is likely that he arrived weeks earlier. He resided at Ordrup long enough to correspond at least with Franz Cumont (in August). This would hardly be likely if his stay was only a brief one. Sankt Andreas Kollegiet/Saint Andrew's College (1873-1920) was a Jesuit boy's school (Jesuiterskole/Gymnasieskolen and seminary). Interestingly, it was attended by a large number of Protestant pupils. The Tunguska event, if experienced by Kugler, may have provided a basis for his 1927 monograph Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in Naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung. The astronomical origin of the Tunguska event was, however, not established till decades later. However, by 1927 Kugler had (may have had) the realisation of how destructive a meteoroid impact could be. Prior to his conclusions reached in Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in Naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung there had been the growing consensus of opinion that the crater at Coon Mountain, Arizona, was in fact produced by a large meteoroid. Knowledge of this likely gave Kugler the scientific basis for his conclusion that a large impact event in the Mediterranean Sea inspired the legends of Phaethon. There is an obvious comparison to be made between the Phaethon myth and a large meteoroid impact event.
Sankt Andreas Kollegium in Ordrup near Charlottenlund (Dänemark), 1909.
The following dispatch was received from Kugler during the conduct of the XVI (1912) International Oriental Congress held in Athens (6-14 April), and published in the Actes du Seizième Congrès International des Orientalistes (1912, Pages 180-181). ("Ensuite on dépose les dépêches suivantes, arrivées pendant les séances du Congrès."): "Valkenburg by Maastricht. 5 Avril 1912 Lambros, Secrétaire général, Congrès des Orientalistes Athènes Grèce. Empêché venir personnellement présente meilleurs vœux de succès et vous prie communiquer au Congrès : Première dynastie de Babylon 2225-1926. Premier nisan moyen à cette époque 26 Avril style grégorien. Preuve d'après texte astronomique et juridique du temps d'Ammizaduqa 1977-1957. Paraîtront ces jours-ci dans nouvelle livraison Sternkunde Münster. Kugler" A provisional draft translation: "Prevented from coming personally to present, best wishes for success and pray you communicate to Congress: First dynasty of Babylon 2225-1926. First of Nisan matches the time April 26 Gregorian calendar. Evidence from astronomical and legal text for time of Ammizaduqa 1977-1957. Dates [to be] presently published in new part [Teil] to Sternkunde Münster."
Kugler's attendance at the 1908 Oriental Congress in Copenhagen
Delegates from Academic Institutions listed as attending included Alfred Jeremias (Allemagne (= Germany)) and Franz Kugler (Pays-bas (= Netherlands). Both were listed as members of the Congress of Orientalists. Also listed as attending was Pater Aug[uste]. Merak (also from Valkenburg College). In conformity with Jesuit rules, Kugler and Merak would have travelled together by train and/or boat).
In the Semitic languages stream Franz Kugler presented a formal paper titled: "Die symbolische Bedeutung der 9-Zahl in historischen und religiōsen Keilinschriften" (Séance de l'après-midi (5e séance), à 3 heures et demie). No indication of a formal presentation by Alfred Jeremias is indicated. However it is indicated that remarks by Franz Kugler were commented upon by Alfred Jeremias (Séance du mercredi 19 août, Séance du matin (6e séance), à 9 heures). It is indicated that Alfred Jeremias issued his Das Alter babylonischen Astronomie (1908) at the Oriental Congress in Copenhagen. It was an attempt to refute the criticisms made by Kugler, etc. (See: Proceedings of the International Congress of Orientalists, at Copenhagen 1908.)
Short report of some matters arising at the XV International Oriental Congress, held in Copenhagen (Denmark) in August, 1908. Kugler is given a prominent mention. Source: Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 19. September, 1908, Number 38, XXIX. Jahrgang, Columns 2397-2398.
For Kugler's (at least initial harsh treatment of Strassmaier) see the discussion by: de Jong, Teije. (2016). "Babylonian Astronomy 1880 - 1950: The Players and the Field." In: Jones, Alexander., Proust, Christine., and Steele, John. (Editors). A Mathematician's Journeys: Otto Neugebauer and Modern Transformations of Ancient Science. Kugler's SSB2.1 was dedicated to "Meinen Lieben Mitbruder P. Joh. Nep. Strassmaier S. J." [My dear confreres [brother, a fellow member of a profession] P. Joh. Nep. Strassmaier S. J.]
Schaumberger in his 1933 obituary of Kugler mentions Kugler's often strained relationships with colleagues. Teije de Jong shows that as early as at least May 1901 Kugler and Strassmaier were not on very good terms. (It is indicated in one of Kugler's letters that the working relationship was strained as early as 1900.) The material in the German archives for the Jesuits is sufficient to show that Kugler had a reputation for being a difficult person. (However, Strassmaier gave Kugler the assistance that Strassmaier thought was helpful, not necessarily the assistance that Kugler requested and wanted. Kugler was primarily dealing with texts containing little else but numbers and need frequent collations. Because Strassmaier was concerned with Kugler's linguistic shortcomings he apparently tried to remain involved with Kugler's work. This resulted in a rebuke by Kugler. Kugler was of the view that the main work to be done was the astronomical analysis of the text. The enmity that had arisen between Kugler and Strassmaier was eventually mediated.) Kugler's personal relations with colleagues such as Strassmaier and Bezold were often strained. (In his Ergänzungen (1914) Kugler acknowledges his several recent published disputes with Carl Bezold.) Kugler was aware of the fact that his style of writing often caused irritation. Kugler's debating style with the Panbabylonists included scorn and 'violence of expression.' Kugler was a scathing critic in his refutations of Panbabylonism. Later in life Kugler expressed regret for adopting this debating style. However, Kugler was generous in charitable assistant to those persons seeking it at the Valkenburg klooster.
Three examples of Kugler's kindly nature: (1) One person to study higher mathematics under Kugler was Peter Lippert. One of the things Lippert did was assist other Jesuits prepare for learning higher mathematics under Kugler. Kugler was a mentor to Peter Lippert SJ and he told Lippert he would help him obtain a position in pastoral care (in a large city). Lippert, in 1912, at the conclusion of his studies, went to Munich which became his fixed domicile. (2) Kugler was quite highly thought of by other Jesuits at Valkenburg and considered a good man. (See: "Nachruf P. Peter Lippert SJ" by Josef Kreitmeier (correctly, Kreitmayer) SJ ((Mitteilungen, 106, S. 271-302). I am unsure how to decipher the reference i.e., add more complete details.) (3) Kugler was generous in giving money to persons who called at the Valkenburg klooster because they were in dire need of assistance.
Stephen Langdon wrote in his obituary letter (Letters to the Editor, The (London) Times, 27 December 1929, Page 6): "Father Kugler's books will forever remain classics, indispensable, and models of scientific investigation. He was at times noble in style, when the occasion permitted, humorous and satirical, with ability to destroy fantastic theories of certain advocates of astral religion after the manner of a Plato and a Newton."
The Dutch astrologer Adolf Thierens and SSB
In 1935 the Dutch astrologer Adolf Thierens published the 59-page monograph, Astrology in Mesopotamian Culture. It showed close reading of Kugler's SSB. Dr A. E. Thierens PhD (Adolf Ernstus Thierens) (1875-1941, 30.12.1941; mistakenly given as 1942 occasionally) was an officer in the Royal Marines and esoteric astrologer and author. It is indicated he later became a professional astrologer. In addition to astrology he also wrote about the Tarot, Theosophy, and Freemasonry. It is indicated that he was influenced by the Theosophical movement. He had a known Theosophical background. This is unsurprising. At the end of the 19th-century the establishment of Dutch astrology was rooted in the activities of the Theosophical movement. His first astrology book was published in 1907. He is considered to be the founder of Dutch astrology. In 1907 he established the Dutch Society for the study of Modern Astronomy and Astrology (= The Association for Modern Astronomy and Astrology). From the outset Dutch astrology was closely allied with Theosophy. It is also stated (perhaps incorrectly) he was the editor of the astrological magazine, Urania. In his early book on the Tarot he made use of Arthur Waite (and the Introduction was written by Arthur Wait). It appears a feud latter developed between Thierens and Waite. In his early book on the Tarot (General Book of the Tarot (1930)) Thierens tried to connect the Tarot with astrology and the Sephiroth of the Kabbalah.
Academic recognition, honours, and affiliations
He was a member of the International Congress of Orientalists, and a member of the (German) Astronomical Society.
In 1913 Kugler (described as a Dutch Assyriologist) was elected a corresponding member of the History of Science Society (Académie internationale d'histoire des sciences). (See: Isis, 1913, Page 420.)
Both JBAA and MNRAS are generally silent regarding the work of Kugler. It would appear that, as Otto Neugebauer states, initially Kugler's work was largely ignored (at least in Britain) and only appreciated much later.
The crater Kugler on the moon is named after Franz Kugler. The lunar crater Kugler lies in the southern hemisphere on the far side of the Moon. It is located just past the southeast limb of the Moon's surface, in the proximity of the libration zone that is occasionally brought into sight. The crater lies in the midpoint between the craters Anuchin to the north-northwest and Priestley to the south-southeast.
Draft translation (Otto Neugebauer, in: Neugebauer, O. and Toeplitz, O. (Editors). Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik, Astronomie und Physik, Band 3, Zweites Heft, 15 April 1936, Page 286.): Work has been under way for almost 50 years now on the development of Babylonian astronomy and anyone who scrolls in Kugler's works will perhaps get the impression that there is "nothing more to do." Schaumberger's results can convince you otherwise. And this is not likely to change any time soon. What has now been achieved will be described, for example, as the conclusion of the first development period of this text genre. The amazing treasure of Textkopieen Strasmaiers, from which we will eat for a long time, the tireless patience and combination of Eppings, Kuglers and Schaumberger will be thanked once (after some work still to be done!) the development history of Babylonian astronomy is understood as a whole.
Advertising of Kugler's publications
Included the covers/pages of his publications, book reviews, and advertisements in journals. Also, references made by authors.
Livres Nouvelle [New Books]. Book review by Auguste Bouché-Leclercq of Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. 1907. by F. X. Kugler. (Journal des savants, Nouvelle série, Volume 5, 1907, Pages 564-566).
Verlag Herder; and author book royalties
Verlag Herder is a German publishing company started by the Herders, a German Catholic family, and the company focuses primarily on Catholic topics. In 1810 the business was located to Freiburg im Breisgau, and developed ties with the university there. In 1906 a branch of the firm was established at Berlin. The firm also established an office in St. Louis, Missouri. In the 1990s, the American imprint of Herder & Herder was brought back under the international Herder publishing family. No information is presently known regarding author book royalties (if any) to Franz Kugler and Johann Schaumberger. Perhaps a royalty of 10 percent was paid. If so, where the payments actually went is unknown. Based on the later experience of the Jesuit theologian and writer Karl Rahner, all of Franz Kugler's book royalties went directly to the society of Jesus.
Part 33: Obituaries
Some lengthy obituaries/notices
(1) Esch, Michael. (1929). "Franz Xaver Kugler." Vierteljahrsschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, Volume 64, 1929, Pages 294-301.
(2) Stephen Langdon's lengthy letter to The (London) Times (27-12-1929) regarding the deaths of Franz Kugler and Carl Schoch. Stephen Langdon was Professor of Assyriology at Jesus College in Oxford. It is obvious that Langdon writes with personal friendliness for Kugler. Langdon obviously writes from personal knowledge and would seem to have met Kugler. He states that Kugler met Epping at Exaeten whilst Kugler was studying philosophy there. He also states that Kugler learned enough Assyrian to read the astronomical parts of the cuneiform texts. Most interestingly, Langdon implies that Kugler obtained cuneiform texts (copies obviously) from persons connected with the Assyrian Department of the British Museum. Langdon states: "Those of us who supplied these men [i.e., Epping, Kugler, Schoch, and Fotheringham] with the cuneiform documents on which they worked ...." Langdon stated his amazement that Kugler could be given a copy of a text that was simply comprised of numbers and decode it as lunar theory or planetary theory. It would not be surprising if letters from Kugler were in any surviving archives of some of these early British assyriologists. Kugler used a lot of material from Strassmaier but he also seems to have actively obtained material, and certainly, assistance, directly from the British Museum.
(3) F. A. Herzog, Kugler obituary, in: Luzerner Vaterland, Band 1, Number 27, 1929, S. 400 f. (Conservative Swiss Catholic journal.) An English-language summary comprises the entry for Kugler in Jesuiten-Lexikon by Ludwig Koch (1934).
(4) Schaumberger, Johann. (1933). "Drei babylonische Planetentafeln der Seleukidenzeit: aus Kuglers Nachlass mit einem Überblick über sein Lebenswerk." (Orientalia, new series, Volume 2, Fascicle 2, Pages 97-116). (Section 1 (Pages 97-100) is "Franz Xaver Kuglers Lebenswerk").
(5) The Kugler obituary in The Woodstock Letters, Volume LVIII , Number 1, October, 1929, Pages 465-467. (An American Jesuit journal that circulated privately.) Though the obituary by anonymous is rather brief it contains information not found elsewhere.
(6) Bea, Augustin, S.I., Kugler, François-Xavier. Dictionnaire de la Bible. Supplément 5. (1957), 199-200. The dictionary was originally published in 5 volumes in 1912. The supplements are apparently ad hoc.
Excursus: Carl (Karl) Schoch was an interesting person. He did a lot of research on lunar visibility and related topics (the Babylonian calendar, dating the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, etc.), based both on modern and Babylonian observations.
Source: "Francis X. Kugler S.J." by Henry Brock S. J., Bulletin of the American Association of Jesuits. Eastern States Division. Volume VII, Number 2, Pages 17-19. Note that Brock writes: Though a member of the faculty at Valkenburg until his death, Father Kugler apparently did not do much teaching, at least in his later years, but gave his time to special study and writing.
Biographical gaps to fill in
There are 4 gaps to fill in with greater detail: (1) Kugler's pre 1897 movements, (2) Kugler's post 1900 Heidelberg studies, (3) Kugler's visits to the British Museum, and Kugler's assistance from British assyriologists connected with the British Museum.
Kugler's written estate
Nachlass (plural: nachlasse) is a German word, used in academia to describe the collection of manuscripts, notes, correspondence, and so on left behind when a scholar dies. (Initially at least Kugler's papers were likely deposited in the klooster library.
The fact that Strassmaier, Epping, and Kugler (and Schaumberger) were not with public institutions meant that their nacklasse were under the control of the Jesuit Order (the Redemptorist Order in the case of Schaumberger) and were not readily accessible to scholars at public institutions. Accessibility was decided by the Jesuit Order (and in the case of Schaumberger, the Redemptorist Order). Basically, only Strassmaier's notebooks survived after being sent to Rome. Whatever of Epping's nachlass was obtained by Kugler initially survived. But very little of Kugler's nachlass ended up in Jesuit archives. There is no record that Schaumberger's nachlass was accessed by secular scholars. Strassmaier's notebooks on loan the Schaumberger were eventually returned to Rome (at the request of the Pontifico Istituto Biblico). Some of Strassmaier's drawings became lost during this return process.
According to Schaumberger (Oriental Congress, 1931) there were numerous unpublished astronomical cuneiform texts in Kugler's estate. (Approximately 200.) After Kugler's death in 1929 it would appear his unpublished notes for further volumes/supplements of Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel (including Strassmaier's copies of astronomical texts) were passed to Johann Schaumberger for completion and publication. (Schaumberger also accessed Strassmaier's notebooks which were in the custody of the Pontifico Istituto Biblico.) Several of Schaumberger's later articles also carry Kugler's name. (It is apparent that by the time of Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Buch 2, Teil 2, Heft 2, published in 1924, Kugler had not published everything he had. A number of Schaumberger's early journal publications contain the term "im Anschluss F. X. Kugler" ("after/continuing F. X. Kugler").
Note: It is worth mentioning that a lot of material in files kept on individual Jesuit houses is believed to have been destroyed as a precaution during the period of Nazi domination.
Part 34: Publications
All the books carry a lengthy title. (Some of Kugler's work was published posthumously by Schaumberger.) Kugler's publications were by far the most significant studies and best information on the astronomical knowledge of the Babylonians.
Über die Einwirkung des Propionaldehyds auf Anilin bei Gegenwart concentrirter Salzsäure, Inaugural-Dissertation by Franz Xaver Kugler (S. J., Le P.) (Speyer : Druck von Jäger, 45 pages, Thesis [Hochschulschrift]: Basel, University Dissertation, 1886).
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1900). "Zur Erklärung der babylonischen Mondtafeln. I. Mond- und Sonnenfinsternisse." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 15, Issue 1, Pages 178–209). [Note: The common technical term for an observed solar eclipse: shamash atalu. Shamash means "Sun", atalu means "eclipse". When the Babylonian astronomers referred to a calculated solar eclipse, they put the word atalu before shamash. When they referred to an observed solar eclipse, they put atalu after shamash. Lunar eclipses were referred to in the same way (sin atalu and atalu sin respectively). These technical terms for eclipses were explained by Kugler in this article on Page 181. See also Kugler’s SSB II, 1909/1910, Pages 58, 59). Sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver, (1900). "Astronomische Masse der Chaldäer." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 15, Issue 1, Pages 383–392). [Note: Sometimes the title is given as "Astronomische Maße der Chaldäer." and sometimes the reference (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie, Band 15, 1900, Pages 383-401; note: the page numbers are sometimes given as 383-401 = the whole Sprechsaal.]
Die babylonischen Mondrechnung. Zwei Systeme der Chaldäer über den Lauf des Mondes und der Sonne. Mit einem Anhang über chaldäische Planetentafel by Franz Xaver Kugler (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, Herder'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. 1900). Translation of title: Babylonian lunar reckoning/Babylonian lunar computation. [Note: In the MNRAS, Volume LXI, Number 4, February 1901, Page 292, Kugler is listed as having contributed to the library. It can only really be a copy of DMB. I have a photocopied and hardbound edition with the stamp impression: Konigl. Universitäts-Bibliothek, Münster i/W [= Königliche Universitäts-Bibliothek - Münster in Westfalen]. The copy is professionally done and pages 201-202 of the original show signs of damage and repair. I have not seen any evidence that SSB or other books by Kugler were made available in photocopied editions. For book reviews see: Ginzel, F. K., V. J. S. der Astron. Ges. Jahrg. 35, 88, pages 257-273 vgl. auch Zeitschr. f. Assyriologie, 1900, pages 115-120; Berberich, A. (1900). in Naturwissensch[aften]? pages 294-296; Plassmann, Joseph. (1900). in Natur und Offenbarung, bretet pages 321-334; Ambronn, Leopold. (1900). Die Umschau, pages 564-567; Günther, S. (1901). in Bibliotheca Mathematica, pages 156-160 & 369; Weißbach, F[ranz]. H[einrich]. (1901). in Historische Vierteljahrschrift, pages 573(373?)-577(377?); and Jensen, Peter. (1902). in Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, pages 363-372. See also the (French-language) book reviews by C. Fossey in Revue Archéologique, Troisième Série, Tome 38, (Janvier-Juin, 1901, Page 299; and the (French-language) book review (of DBM) by L. M. in Revue des Questions Historiques, Nouvelle Série, Tome XXIV, 1900, Page 630. Mention of: Kugler, Franz Xaver, S. J., Die Babylonische Mondrechnung; appears in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Volume 58, 1900; see end attachment: Mitteilungen der Herderschen Verllagshandlung zu Freiburg im Breisgau, Number 9, Oktober 1899 - April 1900, Erste Abteilung, Pages 7-8. Details taken from: Der Stein der Weisen [The Philosopher's Stone]. Wien 1900. Number 16, and Germania. Berlin 1900. Beilage [Supplement?] Number 13 [Newspaper?]. See also the (French-language) book review essay by H[?] Bosmans S. J. in Revue des Questions Scientifiques, Deuxieme Serie, Tome XX - Juillet 1901, Pages 644-654.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1902). "Astronomische und meteorologische Finsternisse : (Eine assyriologisch-kosmologische Untersuchung.)." (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Band 56, Pages 60-70).
Kugler, Franz. (1902). "Berichtigung: Astronomische und meteorologische Finsternisse. (Eine assyriologisch-kosmologische Untersuchung)." (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Volume 56, Number 4, Page 809).
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1902). "Die wissenschaftliche Kultur einer untergegangenen Welt. (Zur Centenarfeier der Ägyptologie und der Keilschriftforschung)." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 62, Heft 4, Pages 365-390). [Note: A synoptic review of the scientific culture of the ancient Egyptians and Babylonians as far as it has been made known through the past 100 years of study of hieroglyphic and cuneiform literatures.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1903). "Babylon und Christentum." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 64, Heft 4, April 21, Pages 357-378, Heft 5, Pages 501-524; and Band 65, Heft 2, Pages 165-187). [Note: Kugler pays especial attention to Delitzsch's 2nd lecture.]
Babylon und Christentum. Erstes Heft. Delitzschs Angriffe auf das Alte Testament by von Franz Xaver Kugler. (Freiburg im Breisgau. Herdersche [Herder'sche?] Verlagsbuchhandlung. 1903.) [Note: 23 x 14,5 cm. IV; 67 Ss. in gr.-8°. l Broschur. It comprises his article in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach. Kugler's initial rebuttal (a 2nd one (apparently) followed), to Delitzsch's "Babel und Bibel" was set out in Babylon und Christentum: Die Angriffe Delitzschs auf das Alte Testament (Babylon and Christianity: The Attacks of Delitzsch on the Old Testament). Written, as the sub-title indicates, with special reference to "Babel und Bibel" it also covered wider themes. It originally appeared in 1903 as a 3-part article in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach shortly after the 2nd lecture by Delitszch. The booklet is almost unchanged. (The title also appears as: Babylon und Christentum. Part 1: Delitzschs Angriffe auf das Alte Testament.) Early in his career Kugler was one of the numerous critics of the "Babel-Bibel" claims of the Berlin Assyriologist Delitzsch, who suggested that the Biblical account of the Creation and other events in Genesis had been taken from Assyrian mythology. [Note: The booklet was usually categorised under biblical theology. See the (German-language) reviews in Theologische Literaturzeitung, Band 29, 1904, Pages 249-? by Paul Volz?; and Theologische Revue, Band 3, Number 13, 12 August, 1904, Columns 387-389 by Anon.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1904). "Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgamesch: Kosmologische Würdigung des babylonischen Nationalepos." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 66, Part 1: Pages 432-449 + 2 fold-out diagrams, and Part 2: Pages 547-561). [Note: An examination of the Gilgamesh epic as astronomical mythology. This article - in which Kugler proposes an astral solution for the Gilgamesh myth - is Kugler's brief flirtation with the astral interpretation of mythology promoted by Panbabylonism. Kugler later (SSB1) repudiated the ideas he had expressed in the article.]
[Babylon und Christentum II.] Die Götter Babyloniens und die Neue Testament [The Gods of Babylonia and the New Testament] by von Franz Xaver Kugler (1905[1906?]). [Note: Booklet. Kugler's 2nd rebuttal to Delitzsch's "Babel und Bibel." It would appear as Babylon und Christentum II. Kugler mentions it in Bemerkungen [Remarks] in Babylon und Christentum I. In Babylon und Christentum I, Kugler writes that the subject of Babylonian god/goddess trinities is/will be elaborated in Babylon und Christentum II. (Perhaps it was circulated privately.) The only other scholarly mention of this reference I have seen is in the entry for Kugler in Band 13, Krell-Laven, of the Neue Deutsche Biographie (1953, Page 247), and also a little-known detailed obituary. The article/booklet is not mentioned by Reinhard Lehmann in his detailed book, Friedrich Delitzsch und der Babel-Bibel-Streit (1994).]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1907). [with Josef Wilpert, and Erich Wasmann (and Vinzenz Schweitzer, Adolf Dyroff?)], Fünf Vorträge von der Paderborner Generalversammlung (Görres-Gesellschaft zur Pflege der Wissenschaft im Katholischen Deutschland: Vereinsschrift, Number [Volume] 3; J.P. Bachem in Komm., 1907; 94 pages).
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1907). "Kulturhistorische Bedeutung der Babylonische Astronomie." Görres-Gesellschaft zur Pflege der Wissenschaft im Katholischen Deutschland: Vereinsschrift, Number [Volume] 3; Pages 38-50; J. P. Bachem in Komm., 1907; 13 pages). [Note: In this publication [Cultural-historical significance of Babylonian astronomy/Cultural and historical significance of Babylonian astronomy] Kugler maintains the late origin of Babylonian astronomy. Kugler also states that even late Babylonian astrology was very primitive in character. It appears that with the publication of Babylon und Christentum I and this publication in 1907, Kugler became an important figure, at least in Germany, in the Babel-Bible controversy and also Panbabylonism. Through his critical comments on Panbabylonism Kugler contributed to ending the highly controversial discussions initiated by Friedrich Delitzsch and Hugo Winckler.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1907). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. I. Buch: Entwickelung der babylonischen Planetenkunde von ihren Anfängen bis auf Christus. (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung). [Note: Though the volume primarily deals with Babylonian planetary theory some discussion of Babylonian constellations is included. See the (German-language) book reviews by Friedrich Ginzel in Vierteljahrsshrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, 42. Jahrgang, Heft 4, 1907, Pages 368-375; and by Anon in Revue Biblique Internationale, Nouvelle Série, Sixième Année, Tome VI, 1909, Pages 323-324; the (French-language) book review "Livres Nouveaux." by Auguste Bouché-Leclercq in Journal des Savants, Nouvelle Série, Tome 5, October, 1907, Pages 564-566; and the (German-language) book review by Johann Hehn in Theologische Revue, Band 7, Number 10, 1908, Pages 300-303. See also: Berberich, A[dolf]. (1907). in Naturwissenschaftliche Rundschau. Number 40; Martin, François. (1908). in Bulletin critique, pages 91ff; Weissbach, F[ranz]. H[einrich]. (1908). in Historische vierteljahrschrift, 3, pages 360ff; Jastrow, Morris. (1912). discussion in Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyrians, II Band, Erste Hälfte, pages 426-576; Hommel, Fritz. (1908). in Beilage der Münchner Neuesten Nachrichten, Number 49; Luzacs Oriental list (1908). Januar-Februar, page 16; and Schiaparelli, Giovanni. (1908). in Rivista di Scienza "Scientia", Volume III, anno II (1908) N. VI and Volume IV, anno II (1908) N. VII. Note: (Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel by Franz Kugler (1907-1935), 2 volumes and 3 supplements in 7 parts. The parts, of varying lengths, were issued irregularly. Buch 1, 1907; Buch 2, Teil 1, 1909/10; Buch 2, Teil 2, Heft 1, 1912); Ergänzungen Heft 1, 1913, Ergänzungen Heft 2, 1914; Buch 2, Teil 2, Heft 2, 1924; Ergänzungsheft 3, 1935, by Johann Schaumberger.) Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische untersuchungen by Franz Xaver Kugler S.J. (Münster in Westfalen, Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 2 Volumes (I. Buch. Entwicklung der Babylonischen Planetenkunde von ihren Anfängen bis auf Christus – II. Buch. Natur, mythus und geschichte als Grundlagen Babylonischer Zeitordnung nebst eingehenden Untersuchungen der älteren Sternkunde und Meteorologie; in 7 supplementary parts), 1907-1935). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: 3. Ergänzungsheft zum ersten und zweiten Buch (1935) was published after Kugler's death by Johann Baptist Clemens Schaumberger. A 4th Ergänzungsheft announced by Schaumberger, dealing with chronology and containing an index to the complete work, was never published. Literally, Sternkunde = Star knowledge/Astronomy, and Sterndienst = Star worship. Some people translating the terms obviously do not use dictionaries from the period.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1909). "Darlegungen und Thesen über altbabylonische Chronologie." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 22, Pages 63-78). [Note: Sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1909). "GUR, mašihu ša sattuk, KA. [3 babyl. Maße]." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 23, Pages 267-273). [Note: Sometimes the title is given as "GUR, mašihu ša suttuk, KA. [3 babyl. Maße." and sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1909). "Die Symbolik der Neunzahl bei den Babyloniern [The symbolism of the number nine among the Babylonians]." In: Hilprecht Anniversary Volume: Studies in Assyriology and Archaeology dedicated to Hermann V. Hilprecht upon the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of his Doctorate and his Fiftieth Birthday (July 28) by his Colleagues, Friends and Admirers (Leipzig [etc.]: J. C. Hinrichs'she Buchhandlung/Luzac & Co./Librairie Paul Geuthner/The Open Court Publishing Co., 1909 [Reprinted by J. C. Hinrichs, 1919?], Pages 304-309. [Note: The number 7 symbolism in days, evil spirits, gods, symbols for military, religion were commonly in use in the ANE from the earliest times of writing. The evidence from cuneiform writing for the number 7 as early as the time of Gudea in 2142-2124 BCE, the days of Abraham was recognized as such by Kugler in the Hilprecht Volume.
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1909/1910). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. II. Buch: Natur, Mythus und Geschichte als Grundlagen babylonischer Zeitordnung, nebst eingehenden Untersuchungen der älteren Sternkunde und Meteorologie. 1. Teil. (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung). [See the (German-language) book reviews by Friedrich Ginzel in Vierteljahrsshrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, 46 Jahrgang, 1911, Pages 28-32; and by Pater Damian Kreichgauer and Pater Wilhelm Schmidt in Anthropos, Band V, Heft 1, 1910, Pages 276-277; and the (French-language) book reviews by François Martin in Journal Asiatique, Dixième Série, Tome XVI, MDCCCCX, Pages 159-161; and by Anon in Revue Biblique Internationale, Nouvelle Série, Huitième Année, Tome VIII, 1911, Pages 313-314. See also: Genouillac, H[enri]. de. (1911). in Revue d'Assyriologie, page 100?/160?]
"Zwei Kassitenkönige der Liste A." by Franz Kugler (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Band 24, 1910, Pages 173-178). [Note: Sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie.]
"Auf den Trümmern des Panbabylonismus." by Franz Xaver Kugler (Anthropos: Revue internationale d'ethnologie et de linguistique, Band 4, Heft 2, 1909, Pages 477-499). A critique of the Panbabylonian theory of mythology set up by Fritz Hommel and Hugo Winckler, and a critique of the astronomic and other data in a volume by Alfred Jeremias in the series Kampfe um den alten Orient: Wehr- und Streitschriften. See also the brief reply by Alfred Jeremias "Vorläufige Antwort auf P. F. X. Kuglers Aufsatz, "Auf den Trümmern des Panbabylonismus." (Anthropos: Revue internationale d'ethnologie et de linguistique, Band 4, 1909, Page 823).
Im Bannkreis Babels: panbabylonistische Konstruktionen und religionsgeschichtliche Tatsachen by Franz Xaver Kugler S.J. (Münster in Westfalen, Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1910). [Note: See the (German-language?) book reviews by P. F. Hestermann (S. V. D. (= Pater Ferdinand Heinrich Hestermann (1878-1959), anthropologist (during the Nazi period he was anti-Jewish), Society of the Divine Word) St. Gabriel) in Anthropos, Band. 5, Heft 4, 1910, Pages 1197-1198; and by I. Linder in Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie, Volume 35, Number 1, 1911, Pages 139-144. See also the (German-language?) book review by Hermann, J. (1910). in Theologischer Jahresbericht, Page 48. See also: Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1911, Pages 322ff,; and the (German-language) book review by the Austrian astronomer Friedrich Ginzel in Deutsche Literaturzeitung, Number 3, 21, Januar, 1911, Columns 185-187. Also, the French-language book review by H. G. in RA, Volume 8, Number 3, 1911, Page 160.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1910). "Erwiderung auf Dr. Dittrichs ,Platons Zahlenrätsel und die Präzession’ (OLZ XIII, Sp. 103 ff.)." (Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, Band 13, Columns 277-279). [Note: The title is sometimes given as "Erwiderung auf E. Dittrichs "Platons Zahlenrätsel und die Präzession" (OLZ XIII, Sp. 103 ff.)."]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1910). "Zwei Kassitenkönige der Liste A." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 24, Pages 173-178). [Note: Sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1911). "Chronologisches und Soziales aus der Zeit Lugalanda's und Urukagina's." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Band 25, Issue 3-4, Pages 275-280). [Note: Sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie.]
"Contribution à la météorologie babylonienne." by Franz Kugler (Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale, Tome 8, Number 3, 1911, Pages 107-130).
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1911). "Some New Lights on Babylonian Astronomy (Critical remarks and positive statements)." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 25, Issue 3-4, Pages 304–320). [Note: Sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie).
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1911). "Der Ursprung der babylonischen Zahlensymbole ... (15) = imnu .rechts' und ... (150) = šumēlu, ,links‘ in pythagoreischer Beleuchtung." (Klio : Beiträge zur alten Geschichte, Band 11, Issue 11, Pages 481-496). [Note: Where ... appears it replaces the cuneiform signs given in the title.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1912). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. II. Buch: Natur, Mythus und Geschichte als Grundlagen babylonischer Zeitordnung, nebst eingehenden Untersuchungen der älteren Sternkunde und Meteorologie. II. Teil. Heft 1. (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung). [See the (German-language) book review by Bruno Meissner in Theologische Literaturzeitung, Band 38, 1913, Pages 675-?.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1912). "Der Stern von Bethlehem." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band 83, Heft 5, Pages 481-492). [Note: In the final paragraph of his article Kugler writes that as a Jesuit priest he believes in a miraculous and inspired origin of the account of a star leading magi to Jerusalem. In his short paper entitled "Der Stern von Bethlehem," published in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, referring to both the German astronomer Kritzinger and the German theologian Voigt, Kugler reviewed many of the arguments pro and contra the conjunction hypothesis. See: Hans Hermann Kritzinger, Der Stern der Weisen: Astronomisch-kritische Studie (1911, 120 Pages). Heinrich Gisbert Voigt, Die Geschichte Jesu und der Astrologie: eine religionsgeschichtliche und chronologische Untersuchung zu der Erzählung von den Weisen aus dem Morgenlande (1911, 225 Pages).]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1912). "Bemerkungen zur neuesten Königsliste." (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Volume 27, Issue 1-3, Pages 242–245). [Note: Sometimes the journal (per Walter de Gruyter online) is given as Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie; note: the page numbers are sometimes given as 242-260 = the whole Sprechsaal.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1913). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. Ergänzungen zum I. und II. Buch. 1. Teil. Zur älteren babylonischen Topographie des Sternhimmels (Neue Bestimmungen babylonischer Gestirnnamen). (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung). [See the (French-language) book review by Albert Condamin in Recherches de Science Religieuse, Tome Cinquieme, [Volume 5], 1914, Pages 178-179; and the (German-language) book reviews by C[?]. Frank in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Band 68, 1914, Pages 218-220 (the numbers are for the 3 book reviews by Frank 214-220); and Friedrich Ginzel in Vierteljahrsschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, 60 Jahrgang, 1925, (included in) Pages 24-29.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1914). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. Ergänzungen zum I. und II. Buch. II. Teil. Sternkunde und Chronologie der älteren Zeit. (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung).
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1914).
entre Étoiles fixes d'
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1915). "Pater Franz von Hummelauer SJ (1842-1914)." (Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Provinzen der Gesellschaft Jesu, Band 7, 1915-1917, Pages 76-81). [Note: Original publication title: Mittheilungen aus der Deutschen Provinz; was later renamed: Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Provinzen der Gesellschaft Jesu. (I do not know when the title changed. Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Provinzen der Gesellschaft Jesu, appears correct for Band 7.) Publisher: Verlag: Henri van der Marck, Roermond / Balduin Pick, Köln ff. Also appears as: "Hummelauer, P. Franz von (1842-1914), Exeget." by Franz Xaver Kugler (Mitt. aus der dt. Provinz [= Mitteilungen aus der deutschen [deutsche] Provinz], Band 7, S. 76-81). Obituary.]
Von Moses bis Paulus; Forschungen zur Geschichte Israels. Nach biblischen und profangeschichtlichen, insbesondere neuen keilinschriftlichen Quellen by Franz Xaver Kugler S. J. (Münster in Westfalen, Aschendorffsche[n] Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1922). [Note: xvii, 535 p. Deals mostly with Biblical chronology and calendars. See the book review by Andrés Fernández in Biblica, Volume 4, Number 4, 1923, Pages 395-400, 414. See the book review by Pater Damien Kreichgauer in Anthropos, Band 18/19, Hefte 1./3., January-June, 1923/1924, Pages 598-599. Father Damian [Damien] Kreichgauer (SVD = German Missionary Order, Societas Verbi Divini (Life dates: 1859-1940)) was a physicist by training who became an expert on Mesoamerican calendars and astronomy. See also: Revue apologétique, Volume 1, Number 3, page 23; Theologische Revue, 1924, Number 11; the (English-language?) book review by Andrés Fernández in Biblica, Volume 4, Number 4, 1923, Pages 395-400, & 414; Recherches de science religieuse, 1923, page 84ff.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1924). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. II. Buch: Natur, Mythus und Geschichte als Grundlagen babylonischer Zeitordnung, nebst eingehenden Untersuchungen der älteren Sternkunde und Meteorologie, II. Teil. Heft II. (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung).
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1925). "Rätselhafte Riesenzahlen im Alten Testament." (Stimmen der Zeit, Band 109, Pages 96-112).
Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in Naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung by Franz Xaver Kugler S.J. (Münster in Westfalen, Aschendorff (Aschendorffs zeitgemässe Schriften - 17), 1927; English translation 1979). [Note: A (mistaken) literal interpretation of the story as a natural catastrophic event. The 1979 (spiral bound) English translation by Guenter Koehler was titled, The Sibylline Starwar and Phaethon In the Light of Natural History, and published in the USA. See the (German-language) book reviews by Wilhelm Gundel in Gnomon, Band 4, 1928, Pages 449-451; by (Pater) Damien Kreichgauer in Anthropos, Band 23, Heft 3/4, May-August, 1928, Page 7; the (presumably German-language) book review by ? in Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie, Volume 52, Number 2, 1928, Pages 276-277; the (French-language) book review by Hugh Bévenot in Isis, Volume XII, 1929, Pages 156-157; and the (English-language) book review by Arthur Nock in The Journal of Theological Studies, Volume XXXIII, 1932, Pages 77-78. See also: Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaften, 1928, Band 27, Heft 4.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1927). "Vom Hohen Lied und seiner kriegerischen Braut." (Scholastik: Vierteljahresschrift für Theologie und Philosophie, Band 2 [1. Heft des 2. Jahrg.], Pages 38-52). [Note: Robert van Gent has "see also Pages 93-? [Wittekindt]." In this essay Kugler also includes consideration of whether various references in the Song of Songs refer to the Akkadian Ishtar in her double capacity as goddess of love and war. He calls attention to parallels between the warlike bride of the Song of Songs and the goddess Ishtar. Scholastik has now become Theologie und Philosophie.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1928). "Drei schwer verkannte Daten der israelitischen Kulturgeschichte." (Stimmen der Zeit, Band 114, Pages 93-105). [Note: The title sometimes appears as "Drei schwer verkannte Daten der israelitischen Kultgeschichte."]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. and Schaumberger, Johann. (1933). "Drei Planetarische Hilfstafeln." (Analecta Orientalia, Volume 6, Pages 4-12). [Note: Obviously a completion by Schaumberger of Kugler's unpublished notes.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. and Schaumberger, Johann. (1933). "Drei babylonische Planetentafeln der Seleukidenzeit." (Orientalia, Volume 2, New Series, Pages 97-116). [Note: Obviously a completion by Schaumberger of Kugler's unpublished notes.]
Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1935). Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel: Assyriologische, astronomische und astralmythologische Untersuchungen. 3. Ergänzungsheft zum ersten und zweiten Buch. by Johann Schaumberger. (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung). [See the (English-language) book review by Solomon Gandz in Isis, Volume XXV, Part 2, Number 70, September, 1936, Pages 473-476; and the (French-language) book reviews by David Sidersky in Journal Asiatique, Tome CCXXVIII , MDCCCXXXVI , Pages 515(489?)-516; by François Thureau-Dangin in Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale, Tome 33, 1936, Pages 197-198; by Charles-François Jean in Babyloniaca: etudes de philologie assyro-babylonienne et d’histoire de l’orient, tome 17, 1937, Pages 175-176; and the (German laguage) book reviews by Albert Schott in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Band 90, (Neue Folge Band 15), 1936, Pages 493-496; by Adolf Oppenheim in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Band 44(43?), 1936, Pages 141-?; by ? in Theologische Literaturzeitung, Band 62, 1937, Pages 1-?; and by Paul Neugebauer in Vierteljahrsschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft, 73 Jahrgang, 1938, Pages 14-18. Note: Published after Kugler's death by Johann Baptist Clemens Schaumberger. A 4th Ergänzungsheft announced by Schaumberger, dealing with chronology and containing an index to the complete work, was never published.]
Note: Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete (= The Journal for Assyrian Studies and Related Areas) was founded by the German assyriologist Carl Bezold and first published in 1886 (by Walter de Gruyter, Berlin). In 1939 the journal was renamed Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie (= Journal of Assyriology and Near Eastern Archaeology). The publisher, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, now applies the later title to all published volumes i.e., those published from 1886 to 1938 under the original title. Also, the reference to Neue Folge and its adjusted volume number (from 1938 onwards) is now discontinued by the publisher.
To my knowledge this is a complete list of publications by Franz Kugler and currently (2013) the only complete list (though check the internet bibliography by Robert van Gent, a very thorough Dutch researcher/historian of science).
Some publications by Kugler available for download from Archive.org:
Die Babylonische Mondrechnung.
Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. (2 Volumes).
Volume 2 part 1
Volume 2, part 2.1
Volume 2, part 2.2
Supplement 2 pt. 1-8
Supplement 2 pt. 9-14
Im Bannkreis Babels.
Von Moses bis Paulus.
Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung.
Kugler's age and key publications
|Year and Age||Major Publication|
|1900 - 38 years old||Die babylonischen Mondrechnung.|
|1907 - 45 years old||Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. I. Buch.|
|1909/1910 - 47/48 years old||Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. II. Buch, 1. Teil.|
|1910 - 48 years old||Im Bannkreis Babels.|
|1912 - 50 years old||Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel. II. Buch, II. Teil. Heft 1.|
|1913 - 51 years old||Ergänzungen zum I. und II. Buch. 1. Teil.|
|1914 - 52 years old||Ergänzungen zum I. und II. Buch. 1I. Teil.|
|1922 - 60 years old||Von Moses bis Paulus.|
|1924 - 62 years old||Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel II. Buch, II. Teil. Heft II.|
|1927 - 65 years old||Sibyllinischer Sternkampf und Phaëthon in Naturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung.|
Part 35: Appendices
Appendix 1: Franz Kugler's Identification of most of the Stars in the Path of Anu, in the Path of Enlil, and in the Path of Ea (SSB. Ergän. II. Teil 1914)
Kugler's investigation of "fixsternhimmel" texts resulted in a greater number of star identifications.
1. Path of Enlil (Northern Stars/Constellations)
1) ĸ. APIN -- Triangulum (at least)
2) ĸ. Šú-gi, šēbu (senex) -- Perseus (a) (kàkkabu níbū ša ĸ. Šúgi -- α or β Persei) (b) (kakkabāni ummulūtum ša Šugi (the dim stars of Perseus -- group of small stars in East Perseus) (c) (ĸ. Nasrapu - most probably ε Persei, (or group composed of μ, λ etc.)
3) ĸ. GÁM, Gamlu (ritual vessel, "weapon of Marduk") -- Auriga
4) ĸ. Maš-tab-ba gal-gal, Tu'āme rabūti -- most of Gemini, or simply α and β Geminorum
5) ĸ. Maš-tab-ba tur-tur, Tu'āmē sihrūti -- λ and ζ (?) Geminorum
6) ĸ. AL-LUL Šittu (?) -- Cancer, exclusive of β which belongs to ĸ. Siru, the serpent constellation
7) ĸ. Ur-gu-la (the great dog) -- Nēšu (lion) -- Leo (a) (kakkabē ša kakkad ĸ. Ur-gu-la -- (the two stars of the lion's head) -- ε and μ Leonis) (b) (kakkabu IV ša irti-šu -- the 4th star of his breast -- γ Leonis) (c) (ĸ. Lugal (ĸ. šarru) -- king -- Regulus) (d) (kakkabu II ša rapašti-šu -- the 2nd star of his hips -- δ Leonis) (e) (kakkabu edu ša zibbati-šu -- the single star of his tail -- β Leonis)
8) ĸ. A-EDIN, Eru -- Virgo West (Coma Berenices ?)
9) ĸ. HEN-GAL-A-A, Hegalai, nuhšu -- abundance -- Coma Berenices
10.(a)) ĸ. ŠU-PA, kakkabu namru -- the shining star - Arcturus (α Boötes), at times probably the entire southern part of Boötes
10.(b)) ĸ. Šudun -- yoke -- also Arcturus (a) (ĸ. Šudun-anšu -- the (forward) yoke of the ass -- η Bootis (+ neighbouring stars) (b) (ĸ. Šudun-anšu arkitu -- the rear yoke of the ass - ε Bootis (very probably also ξ, π and ζ Bootis)
11 (a)) ĸ. BAL-UR-A kakkab baltum -- Corona Borealis
11 (b)) (also) ĸ. GAM-tu -- kippatu -- Corona Borealis
12) ĸ. Mar-gid-da, sumbu -- wain -- Ursa Major (a) (ĸ. LUL-A, ĸ. Ka-a, ĸ. Šelibu, -- fox star -- ġ (Alkor) above ζ Ursae Majoris) (b) ĸ. γ, kakkabu ša ina pani (put) Margidda izzazu -- the star which stands before η (?) Ursae Majoris
13) ĸ. MU-GID-SAR-DA, niru ša šamē -- yoke of heaven -- Draco
14) ĸ. Mar-gid-da-an-na - wain of heaven - Ursa Minor
15) ĸ. AN-DU-BA-MEŠ (an-gub-ba-meš) šú-ut E-kur -- Serpens
16) ĸ. AN-KU-A-MEŠ (an-dur-a-meš) šú-ut E-kur -- Ophiuchus - Southern portion of Ophiuchus is named ĸ. il Za-mà-mà
17) ĸ. Ur-ku (Lik-ku ?) -- kalbu -- dog -- Hercules (a) (MAŠ-a-ti (ĸ. Aha-a-ti) -- star of the side -- (γ +) β Herculis) (b) (ĸ. Ur-ka-a-ti -- ζ Herculis) (c) (kakkabu edu -- the single star -- μ Herculis)
18) ĸ. Uza -- she-goat -- Lyra (also ĸ. Gašan-din, ĸ. Bēlit balāti) (a) (kakkabu nibū ša ĸ. Uza -- α Lyrae (b) (the two stars behind him (sukal il Ba-u, i.e., α Lyrae) -- probably η and θ Lyrae)
19) ĸ. UD-KA-GAB-A (Ud-da-dŭ-a) -- Panther -- Cygnus + Pegasus + α Andromedae (a) (Kumaru ša ĸ. Ud-ka-dŭ-a -- δ Cygni) (b) (Kakkabu nibū ša irti-šu -- α Cygni) (c) (Kinsu ša ĸ. Ud-ka-dŭ-a -- η Pegasi) (d) (Asidu ša Ud-ka-dŭ-a -- α Andromedae)
20) ĸ. ŠAH (šahu) il Da-mu -- very probably Delphinus
21) ĸ. Sisū -- horse -- very probably Equuleus
22) ĸ. Lulim -- at least Andromeda
2. Path of Anu (Middle of "Equatorial" Stars/Constellations)
1) ĸ. Šim-mah (Šinunutum -- kakkab imbari) -- the swallow and storm constellation -- West Aquarius (α, β, χ, ε and ν)
2) ĸ. DIL-GAN, ĸ. Iku -- constellation which in various periods had different extent - four forms to be distinguished: 1) Aries (= Hired Labourer) + Cetus + East Aquarius, 2) Aries (= Hired Labourer) + Cetus -> East Aquarius - GU-LA, 3) Cetus + East Aquarius -> Aries KU-MAL, 4) Cetus -> Aries KU-MAL / East Aquarius GU-LA
3) ĸ. Anūnitū, ĸ. nār Dillat (Tigris constellation), ĸ. Tultum (worm constellation) the SW portion of Pisces plus the "band" ω-ζ Piscium
4) ĸ. avēl KU-MAL -- Agru, the hired labourer - Aries
5) ĸ. MUL-MUL, ĸ. Sappa -- Pleiades + ζ or ο Persei
6) giš ĸ. Li-e -- tablet (of fate), ĸ. Gú-an-na, tiara of Anu -- Aldebaran plus Hyades
7) ĸ. Sib-zi-an-na -- faithful shepherd of heaven - Orion
8) ĸ. Maš-tab-ba ša ina mihrit ĸ. Sibzianna -- the twins who stand opposite Orion -- γ and ξ Geminorum
9) ĸ. Dar-lugal -- canis minor or Procyon (α) alone
10) ĸ. Kak-si-di, kakkab mišrē -- bow star -- Sirius plus a star in Southern Canis Major (ε or η)
11) ĸ. Ban, ĸ. Kaštu -- Bow-star -- ε, δ, τ Canis Majoris plus χ, l, Puppis
12) ĸ. Muš, ĸ. Siru -- snake -- Hydra + β Cancri
13) ĸ. U-NAG-GA hu, BÁD-GA, Ú-ga, Aribu -- raven -- Corvus - and part of Crater
14) ĸ. AB-SIM -- East Virgo (also Spica (α Virginis) alone)
15) ĸ. Zi-ba-an-na, Zibānitu, scale: karān ĸ. Akrabi -- horn (claw) of the scorpion -- Libra
16) ĸ il Za-mà-mà -- Southern portion of AN-KU-A-MEŠ -- Ophiuchus
17) ĸ. ID hu, ĸ. Našru -- eagle -- Aquila
18) ĸ. avel BAD (mitu, pagru) death-constellation -- very probably Antinoos
3. Path of Ea (Southern Stars/Constellations)
1) ĸ. HA (ĸ. Nūnu) ĸ. HA (Nūnu) il E-a -- fish, fish of Ea -- Piscis Austrinus, more exactly its Southern portion plus Formalhaut
2 (a)) ĸ. NUN ĸı (Eridu) il E-a -- Eridu, city of Ea -- Vela plus Southern Puppis
2 (b)) (with this (see 2a above) are wholly or partially identified (α) ĸ. MU-GID-a-ab-ba -- ĸ. Šudun a-ab-ba -- yoke of the ocean (of Ea)) (β) ĸ. BIR, il Ni-ru il E-a, yoke of Ea
3) ĸ. Nin-mah -- Very probably Carina East
4) ĸ. En-te-na -- maš-šig, -- Centaurus exclusive of NE section (cf. UR-BE)
5) ĸ.giš GAN-UR (GUŠUR), maškakatu, -- Crux
6) il PA and il Lugal -- the two stars behind Maškakatu - β and α Centauri
7) ĸ. NU-MUŠ-DA -- Namaššu -- group of stars between -- β Sagittarii - α Phoenicis (ref. Indus + Grus)
Appendix 2: Ancient Dating Methods
In early times the years were not numbered/counted but named. While the early Mesopotamians and Babylonians named their years after important events, or after the king, the Assyrians named theirs after limmus. (It was also the early custom in Egypt, as well as in Greece and Rome, to name the year after some important event, or after the king.) In the same way that the early Mesopotamians compiled lists of the year names as chronological aids, so the Assyrians compiled limmu or eponym lists. An eponym is a person/event (real or fictitious) from whom something is said to take its name.
The office of the year-eponym was an ancient institution in Assyria. It was the function of some high official to be the eponym of the year. Within the Assyrian system the limmu was a title assumed by a different high official (including provincial governors) each year. Thus the names of the limmus were ready-made year names and the Assyrian did not have to make up year names as the early Mesopotamians did. We have lists of Assyrian limmu-officers, or year-officers, extending from 1103 BCE to 648 BCE. Every year was associated with the name, an eponym, of the limmu, the individual holding office. The eponym dating system was a calendar system for Assyria, for a period of over 1000 years.
The practice of using eponyms for dating appears to be indigenous to the Assyrians (but this is uncertain). The Assyrian dating system is thought to have originated in the ancient city of Assur, and remained the official dating system in Assyria until the end of the Assyrian Empire in the 7th-century BCE. The names of the limmu who became eponyms were originally chosen by lot sortition (i.e., the action of selecting or determining something by the casting or drawing of lots), until the 1st-millennium BCE when it became a fixed rotation of officers headed by the king who constituted the limmu. The earliest known evidence of a system of year eponyms are at Karum-Kanesh, and became used in other Assyrian colonies in Anatolia. Its spread was due to Shamshi-Adad I's unification of northern Mesopotamia.
For examples of Kugler dealing with eponym lists see: SSB2, page 333, and SSB2, pages 363-366.
Theories of astronomical mythology are no longer popular. They are passé, but not defunct. The benchmark for the high-point of astronomical explanations of mythology comprised the activities of the late 19th-century German star-myth school and the early 20th-century German Panbabylonian school (and Babel-Bibel school). During this period astronomy was commonly employed to explain mythology/ancient religions. Earlier in the 19th-century - and lasting mid to late 19th-century - there had been the German/British nature-myth school which had included astronomical explanations.
Appendix 3: Franz Kugler's Flirtation with Babylonian Astral Mythology and Astral Religion
Theories of astronomical mythology are no longer popular. They are passé, but not defunct. The benchmark for the high-point of astronomical explanations of mythology comprised the activities of the late 19th-century German star-myth school and the early 20th-century German Panbabylonian school (and Babel-Bibel school). During this period astronomy was commonly employed to explain mythology/ancient religions. Earlier in the 19th-century - and lasting mid to late 19th-century - there had been the German/British nature-myth school which had included astronomical explanations.
Up till 1905-1907 Kugler was supportive of astral myth and astral religion ideas. He probably first gave attention to such between 1900 and 1905 at least. By 1904 (the year of publication of his astral interpretation of the Gilgamesh myth) 3 schools/streams able to influence Kugler's dabbling in astronomical mythology were: (1) the Star-Myth school, (2) Panbabylonism, and (3) the Babel-Bibel school. All 3 schools originated in Germany in the last decade of the 19th-century.
For a time Kugler was engaged with the Epic of Gilgamesh. In his 1904 essay Kugler agreed with the astral theories of Panbabylonism to a limited extent. Kugler's lengthy early article: Kugler, Franz Xaver. (1904). "Die Sternenfahrt des Gilgamesch: Kosmologische Würdigung des babylonischen Nationalepos." (Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Band LXVI , Heft 4, April, Part 1: Pages 432-449 + 2 fold-out diagrams (star maps), and Heft 5, May, Part 2: Pages 547-561). This was an examination/explanation of the Gilgamesh epic as astronomical mythology. Kugler's single published flirtation with the astral myth theories. This article - in which Kugler proposes an astral solution for the Gilgamesh myth - is Kugler's (last of apparently several early) brief flirtations with the astral interpretation of mythology promoted by Panbabylonism.
In the epic of Gilgamesh (Table ix. cols. ii.–iv.) we find the mention of 2 giant scorpion-'men,' one male and the other female, terrible giants, keepers of a door. Kugler believed in his 1904 article that he had shown that these (were) 2 celestial scorpions - reproduced in Babylonian sculptures - that were the 2 zodiacal constellations Scorpio and Sagittarius. (Apparently it was the last of several early flirtations by Franz Kugler with astral mythology.) This article - in which Kugler proposes an astral solution for the Gilgamesh myth - is indicated as Kugler's (last) brief flirtation with the astral interpretation of mythology.
Kugler's article is an example of reading/reconstructing so-called mythical texts as 'Klartext' i.e., uncoded text, clear text, in understandable form. The 2 diagram's Kugler included with the article are exact sky-maps showing Gilgamesh's travels in the sky. In this 1904 essay Kugler agreed with astral myth theories to a limited extent. At the time of its publication Kugler's essay was accepted as an excellent exposition proving the purely astral character of the Epic of Gilgamesh. The article was perhaps not entirely speculative. It was accepted at the time - and still is by some - that Kugler showed that the 2 celestial scorpions - reproduced in Babylonian sculptures - were the 2 zodiacal constellations Scorpio and Sagittarius. However, he seems to have been influenced by the astronomical interpretation of some kudurru iconography made as early as 1889 by Epping in AaB.
This article was the last flirtation by Franz Kugler with the German astral myth schools At the time of its publication Kugler's essay was accepted as an excellent exposition proving the purely astral character of the Epic of Gilgamesh. A few years later Kugler rejected the article. Kugler later (SSB1) repudiated the ideas he had expressed in the article. Kugler demonstrated (SSB (1907) and IBB (1910)) the complete lack of convincing evidence in favour of Babylonian astral mythology but not astral religion. Kugler at first was sympathetic to the astral myth ideas of Panbabylonism, but later rejected these ideas when he became convinced that any significant astronomy could not have existed in Mesopotamia before the era of Nabonassar. Late Mesopotamian and Hellenistic astronomers calculate the years by a chronological system called 'era of Nabonassar,' which began on February 26, 747 BCE.
Appendix 4: Early Studies and Claims Regarding Babylonian Astronomy
Source: The Methodist Review, Volume XCII - Fifth Series, Volume XXVI, July, 1910, Pages 642-643. On Babylonian astronomy Kugler's studies surpassed all the others.
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