Ancient Zodiacs, Star Names, and Constellations: Essays and Critiques
Carl Gottlieb Swartz (Svartz/Schwartz) by Gary D. Thompson
Copyright Š 2017-2018 by Gary D. Thompson
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Carl Gottlieb Swartz (Svartz/Schwartz)
In the late 1960s during one of my Saturday trips from Geelong to Melbourne second-hand bookshops I purchased a copy of A Concise History of Astronomy by Peter Doig (1950). I became interested in his brief mention of Carl Swartz and his argument for dating the Western constellations based on the unconstellated area of the southern sky (which I termed decades later the "void zone" argument). Likely also in the late 1960s I purchased a second-hand copy of Hutchinson's Splendour of the Heavens (2 Volumes, 1923) the 2nd volume of which contained Andrew Crommelin's endorsement of the "void zone" argument in his chapter "The Ancient Constellation Figures" (Pages 640-669). The only other relevant publications I purchased quite early were 2 of 3 articles by Archibald Roy on "The Origin of the Constellations" published in 1981 in the magazine, The Unexplained: Mysteries of Mind, Space and Time. Likely I purchased these new from a newsagent shop. Roy endorsed the "void zone" argument but did not discuss Carl Swartz. Some years later I happened to acquire - through it being placed in a book on astronomy - part of an article by Edward Maunder ("The Oldest Astronomy. II" (Journal of the British Astronomical Association (1898/1899)) in which he discussed the "void zone" argument and its originator C.G.S. Maunder could not make identification of C.G.S. and offered no biographical details. Over 40 years later I resumed my interest in the subject of the "void zone" and in Carl Swartz.
This article (perhaps more a collection of notes) is based on extensive research conducted by Robert H. van Gent and myself circa 2001-2002. Through Hastro-L we both realised we were interested in the ideas of C.G. S. regarding the origin if the Western constellations and we both wanted to uncover more information. The research was highly time consuming. Details of his life are obscure. At that time the web offered more limited opportunities for uncovering information. However, with persistence, much was able to be discovered. Robert H. van Gent was particularly astute at uncovering some obscure - but important - details. Due to part-time studies (which continued for 10 years) and at the same time a change of careers I could not contribute to any finalisation of an article fit for publication. The joint research project lapsed with the information organised into a roughly chronological flow. The study has remained a draft document. In 2017 - nearly2 years into retirement - I have been able to return to the detailed 15 year old draft document and shape it into a more reasonable essay. A few new facts have been included. These are mostly to do with career dates for C.G.S. and details concerning his brothers. In the several years that Robert van Gent and myself gave attention to the topic we were able to uncover most of the key details and correct some mistaken assumptions regarding C.G.S. (Carl Gottlieb Swartz). Any significant additional details would likely require accessing the Swartz archives in Sweden. This is now not likely to be done by myself. Starting locations include the Norrköping City Archives (Norrköpings stadsarkiv), National Archives Database (Riksarkivet), Norrköping City Library (Norrköpings stadsbibliotek), and Villa Swartz (built in 1901, donated to Norrköping city in 1912, still used as a museum for city history).
Note: Not all sources used are referenced - only those providing key information regarding Carl Swartz and his activities. These are also confined mostly to the earliest sources used.
Cover page and title page of Carl Swartz's most significant publication on the origin of the constellations. The publication is the second edition of Carl Swartz's book on the origin of the constellations. Schwartz's first treatise on the antiquity of the constellations was published in Paris in 1807. His problematic/flawed "void zone" idea is still influential and misleads uncritical investigators some 200 years later.
Carl Swartz's Genealogy
Carl Gottlieb Swartz
Carl Gottlieb Swartz (C.G.S.) was born 30 September 1757, S:t [Sankt] Johannes, Norrköping (E) [Norrköping E], Sweden, was baptised on 2 October 1757, and died 1824, Paris, France, at the age of 67 years. French sources give date of death as 11 May 1824; a Swedish source gives 5 November as date of death. I do not know the reason for the discrepancy.
The parents of C.G.S. were Petter [Peter] Swartz (1726-1789), a prominent Snus (snuff) manufacturer [Snusfabrikör i Norrköping], and Brita R˙˙ (1725-1783), spouses. They had 4 children. Carl was the 2nd son of Petter Swartz and Brita R˙˙. The parents of Petter Swartz were Olof Persson Swartzången and ? The parents of Brita Ryy were Jacob Jacobsson R˙˙ (1687-circa 1727?/1759?), and Brita Oxelgren. (There are 2 - widely diverging - dates for the death of Jacob Jacobsson R˙˙.)
Östgötars minne: Biografiska anteckningar om studerande östgöter i Uppsala 1595-1900, by K. G. Odén [Klas Gustav Odén] (1902, entry number 3450, page 269). This publication is a biographical index.
Ny svensk släktbok, by K. A. Leijonhufvud (1906, pages 534-540).
Information and references posted by Bo Persson on Internet at Anbytarforum in reply to request posted by Robert H. van Gent, 2001.
Carl Swartz's Family
Father - Petter Swartz
His father was Petter Swartz. Petter Swartz was born in Scartsang, Nykroppa Parish, Varmland; or Svartsang-Nykroppa Psh, Varmland
(one source has Kroppa socken, Svartasången, Värmland), on 7 May 1726, and died
on 14 February 1789 in Norrköping, Östergötland. His parents were Olof Persson
and Carin Karlsdotter.
Petter Swartz was the founder and owner of a tobacco firm in Norrköping that manufactured snuff (snus). The family run business flourished into the 20th-century.
Note: Snus got its start in Sweden as a way to preserve tobacco. Snus - pronounced "snoose," like "loose" - is a smokeless, moist powder tobacco product that is placed under the top lip. You don't burn it, and you don't have to spit when you use it. Compared to cigarette smoking, the use of snus is considered less harmful - a low-toxicant - which does not mean it is a safe product. It would also be a health risk for employees involved in the manufacture of the product. The sale of snus is illegal in the European Union (except for Sweden, where it is legal).
Östgötars minne: Biografiska anteckningar om studerande östgöter i Uppsala 1595-1900, by K. G. Odén [Klas Gustav Odén] (1902, entry number 3450, page 269). This publication is a biographical index.
Ny svensk släktbok, by K. A. Leijonhufvud (1906, pages 534-540).
E-mail to Robert H. van Gent by Bo Persson (2001) who is researching information about the Swartz family.
Information and references posted by Bo Persson on Internet at Anbytarforum in reply to request posted by Robert H. van Gent, 2001.
Web site for Carl Johan Gustaf Swartz at http://www.nsb.norrkoping.se/carlswartz.htm, 2001.
Communication by Bo Sandström to http://home.europa.com/~telscope.merz.txt, 2001.
Note: The FamilySearch IGI Web site returns two records for Peter Swartz. The FamilySearch IGI Web site has the spelling Peter for Petter.
Mother - Brita R˙˙
His mother was Brita R˙˙. Brita R˙˙ was born in 1725 in Norrköping, Ostergotland, and died in 1783.
Östgötars minne: Biografiska anteckningar om studerande östgöter i Uppsala 1595-1900, by K. G. Odén [Klas Gustav Odén] (1902, entry number 3450, page 269). This publication is a biographical index.
Ny svensk släktbok, by K. A. Leijonhufvud (1906, pages 534-540).
Information and references posted by Bo Persson on Internet at Anbytarforum in reply to request posted by Robert H. van Gent, 2001.
International Genealogical Index at FamilySearch Web site.
Note: One IGI record has (the mistake) Norrloping.
Brothers and Sister
Children of Petter Swartz and Brita R˙˙ were : (1) Pehr Jacob Swartz (1755-1819), married 14 September 1781 to Anna Charlotta Ehrling (1760-1784); then remarried 5 August 1785 to Catharina Wallström (1759-1820). (2) Carl Gottlieb Swartz (1757-1824), married 20 November 1795, Lugnet, Söderbärke (W), to Catharina (Carin) Elisabeth Arosenia (1771-1816). (3) Johannes Swartz (1759-1812), married in 1794 to Anna Sofia Skoge (1778-1824). (4) Johanna (Jeanna) Elisabeth Swartz (1766-1808), married 3 August 1786 to Carl Gustaf Pereswetoff-Morath (1755-1812).
One source has Petter Swartz as father of Daniel Fredrik Swartz; Johanna Elisabeth Swartz and Petter Jacob Swartz; which is some sort of mistake regarding Daniel Fredrik Swartz. Another source identifies David Swartz as a sibling and mentions 3 other siblings.
Source: Östgötars minne: Biografiska anteckningar om studerande östgöter i Uppsala 1595-1900, by K. G. Odén [Klas Gustav Odén] (1902); page 268, entry number 3435. Per is printed for Pehr, but the spelling Per appears in other sources. It appears that Pehr/Per = Peter.
Source: Östgötars minne: Biografiska anteckningar om studerande östgöter i Uppsala 1595-1900, by K. G. Odén [Klas Gustav Odén] (1902); page 270, entry number 3460. John is printed for Johannes.
Family Tree web sites (one not publicly accessible) for Carl Gottlieb Swartz, 2017: owner: Karl-Bertil Arosenius (kbarosenius). (Carl Gottlieb Swartz: http://www.kbarosenius.se/Rank/p1846d49a.html/http://www.CarlGottliebSwartz-ProstenRankochhansfränder-Geneanet.html) Both sites use some of my Page 11-34 material in a somewhat disjointed way. Unfortunately the material used is not wholly accurate.
Education and Early Employment
Carl Swartz attended the University of Uppsala as did both his brothers. In 1774 Carl enrolled at the University of Uppsala. (Uppsala Universitets Matrikel på uppdrag av universitetets rektor utgiven, Tredje Bandet 1750-1800, utg. av A. B. Carlsson (Uppsala 1925-1946) p 191, Octob. 14. The source was located by Robert H. van Gent. The section seems to start at page 190 and is headed: Quartum Rectore Academiæ Upsaliensis Johanne Ihre Prof. Reg. Et Skyttiano. Entry details: Octob. 14. Carl Gottl. Swartz, Ostrogoth. 1757. See also: Upsala Universitets Historia : Delarna I-III jamte bihang I-V, 1477-1792, register utarbetadt af Elof Colliander by Claes Annerstedt (1931, Page 75).)
The key information available to me regarding the early employment of Carl Swartz is in Odén's biographical index published in 1902: "3450. Carl Gottlieb Svartz. F. 1757; fad. Petter, tobaksfabrikör i Norrköping. E. o. kanslist i Inrikes civilexped. 78; kopist i Kanslikolleg 81; kanslist i exped. 82; afsk. m. tit. prot.-sekreterare. D. i Paris 1824." In 1778, after presumably completing university, Carl obtained his first job as a civil clerk. This position does not appear to have been with the Swedish Government Offices (Inrikes translates as 'domestic', civilexped. I presume is civilexpedit/civil-expedit where civil can mean 'civil' or 'civilian' and expedit can mean 'clerk' or assistant'). In 1781 Carl then obtained employment with the Kanskollegium (Kanslikolleg / Kansli Kolleg / Kansli-kolleg) (Swedish Government Offices) as a secretary or clerk (kopyist). In 1782 he was a clerical officer keeping office records or accounts (presumably still with the Swedish Government Offices. The abbreviation afsk means 'discharged' or 'resigned'. When Carl left (presumably resigned) his employment at the Swedish Government Offices (date unknown) his position title was prot.-sekreterare ((Protokollsekreterare) meaning 'Protocol-Secretary' (clerical officer (= civil servant)) = person who takes the minutes. This seems to be all that is known of his career in the Government offices. It appears that in 1796 the title Secreteraren (The Secretary) was being applied to Carl Swartz. This might indicate he was then still employed at the Swedish Government Offices.
In 1787 (at least) he was the secretary (sekreteraren) for one of the numerous Swedish scientific societies that were coming into existence during the 18th-century. In August 1787 he purchased an important mineralogy collection (mineral cabinet) belonging to Johan Gottschalk Wallerius. It was planned/hoped that Johan Gottschalk Wallerius' mineral cabinet would be given to Uppsala University. (See: "Upsala universitets historia: d. 1719-1792, förra afdelningen, Universitetets öden" (Volume 3, Issue 2 of Upsala universitets historia), by Claes Annerstedt (1914, Page 448).)
Source: Östgötars minne: Biografiska anteckningar om studerande östgöter i Uppsala 1595-1900, by K. G. Odén [Klas Gustav Odén] (1902); page 269, entry number 3450. Svartz is printed for the family name (surname) Swartz. Interestingly his birth date is given as 13?15? September whereas most sources give it as 30 September.
Ny svensk släktbok, by K. A. Leijonhufvud (1906, pages 534-540).
Upsala universitets historia: d. 1719-1792, förra afdelningen, Universitetets öden (Volume 3, Issue 2 of Upsala universitets historia), by Claes Annerstedt (1914, Page 448). (Also: Lychnos (1954) regarding Carl Swartz, and Svenska ättartal, Volume 3, contributor Victor Ornberg (1886, Page 201, regarding Carl Swartz.)
Uppsala Universitets Matrikel på uppdrag av universitetets rektor utgiven, Tredje Bandet 1750-1800, utg. av A. B. Carlsson (Uppsala 1925-1946) p 191, Octob. 14. The source was located by Robert H. van Gent. The section seems to start at page 190 and is headed: Quartum Rectore Academiæ Upsaliensis Johanne Ihre Prof. Reg. Et Skyttiano. Entry details: Octob. 14. Carl Gottl. Swartz, Ostrogoth. 1757.
Svenska hem i ord och bilder, Volume 17, 1929., Page 12.
Upsala Universitets Historia : Delarna I-III jamte bihang I-V, 1477-1792, register utarbetadt af Elof Colliander by Claes Annerstedt (1931, Page 75).
The Fiction of Carl Swartz at Baku
It was believed by Edward Maunder that for some years Carl Schwartz was the Swedish Consul at Baku. How Maunder came by this belief is unknown. Carl was well acquainted with the city of Baku through secondary sources. Nothing that Carl Swartz wrote stated he had been to Baku. Maunder's belief that Carl at one time had resided at Baku at the end of the 18th-century or beginning of the 19th-century should have been dispelled by simply reading, Le Zodiaque expliqué. (See Maunder's erroneous statements in: "Report of Meeting held on April 28, 1909", JBAA, Volume 19, 1909; "The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Edward Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909; "The Oldest Picture-book of All", by Edward Maunder, The Nineteenth Century, Volume 48, 1900. Maunder's remarks are not referenced.) There is nothing to support the suggestion that Carl Swartz may have actually been a consular official (i.e., consular secretary) at Baku.
The British amateur historian Peter Doig (1882-1952) in his book A Concise History of Astronomy (1950) makes mention of Carl Schwartz and credits him with the "void zone" argument. Doig does not add anything to what Maunder already knew (and probably relied on Maunder as his sole source). Peter Doig (A Concise History of Astronomy (1950) - obviously borrowing from Edward Maunder (JBAA, 1909) - reinforced the error that Carl Swartz was, for several years, the Swedish consul at Baku on the Caspian Sea. This error was also taken up earlier by Claude Conder (obviously influenced by Maunder): "This observation was first made by the Swedish astronomer, Carl G. Schwartz, residing at Baku, near, the Caspian, at the end of the eighteenth century." (The First Bible by Claude Conder (1902, Page 155).) Needless to say, Carl Swartz was not an astronomer. We only know that he had an interest in the origin of the Greek constellations.
Engagement, Marriage and Divorce
Carl's engagement, marriage, and divorce occurred between 1795 and 1796. In 1795 Carl was 38 years old. In 1795 Catharina Arosenia was 24years old. She was 14 years younger than Carl.
In 1795 Carl became engaged to Catharina (Carin) Elisabet(h) Arosenia, Norrköping (E).
Carl (38 years old) and Catharina (24 years old) were married on 20 November 1795, at Lugnet, Söderbärke (W), to Catharina (Carin) Elisabeth Arosenia (1771-1816), However, she returned to Söderbärke in 1796 and then left her husband. In 1796 they divorced.
On 12 February, 1796 Carl's marriage to Catharina ended. It was the date they were divorced at Norrköping (E). A minor issue is whether the marriage was dissolved. (A religious/civil divorce?) Catharina married again to Joackin Almgren in 1799. Carl Swartz did not remarry. Nothing is now known regarding why the marriage failed (and failed so quickly). Perhaps she did not wish to travel or live outside Sweden. Perhaps it was the age difference. She was 14 years younger. Nothing is known of Carl Swartz's personality. It is indicated that he was intelligent, adept with the manners of the period, and well read.
Damages (financial settlement) paid by Carl to his ex-wife have been stated to be 2 million SEK calculated at 2009 values (equal to approximately 250,000 US dollars), (apparently) paid in lump sum, with further payments of about 120,000 SEK annually until remarriage. This is an interesting payment for less than 3 months of marriage. If accurate, no information seems available regarding how the sums were arrived at and how Carl was able to afford such payments.
Catharina (Carin) Elisabeth Arosenia
It is indicated that Catharina came from a prominent family. Catharina (Carin) Elisabeth Arosenius was born 20 May 1771 at Prästgården, Söderbärke (W), Christened 22 May 1771 at Söderbärke Kyrka (W), and died 6 October 1816 at Västerås domkyrkoförs (U) (also given as Västerås (U) Benkräfta). (One source states: born at Söderbärke prästgård, died at Söderbärke socken.) Buried, Romfartuna (U). Catharina was 45 years old when she died at Västerås (U). Her parents were (Pastor?) Petrus Arosenius (1718-1783), and Agnes Abrahamsdotter Hülphers (1736-1803). Catharina was 12 years old when her father died on 10 July 1783 at Söderbärke (W), and she was 31 years old when her mother died on 8 January 1803 at Lugnet, Norrbärke (W). She was the oldest of 5 children. She had 2 brothers and 2 sisters. 1 brother and 1 sister preceded her in death.
I presently cannot find any information regarding her education.
She first married Carl Swartz, 20 November, 1795, Lugnet, Söderbärke (W). On 24 May, 1799 Catharina (aged 28 years) remarried to Joachim Wilhelm Almgren (1756-1817). (One source states: Married 1797 in Östra Vingåker (D).) The information on the International Genealogical Index at FamilySearch Web site indicates that the marriage took place at Soderbarke, Kopparberg. (Another source gives: Married 1795 in Söderbärke (W). The name spelling is also given as Karl (not Carl) Gottlieb Swartz.) On the International Genealogical Index at FamilySearch Web site (FamilySearch Web IGI) Elisabet is spelt Elisabeth. On the International Genealogical Index at FamilySearch Web IGI, Joachim Wilhelm is also spelled as Joackin Vilhelm; and on the CD-ROM version at LDS Family History Centre, Joachim is spelled Joakim. Joachim Wilhelm Almgren was born abt. [= about?] 1769 in Lugnet, (Westeras). However this may be the wrong person. Another source states Joachim was born on 2 November 2 1756, in Örebro (T). His occupation was Landssekreterare, lagman i Västerås (county secretary, judge). They had 8 children: Agnes Catharina Ahlborg (born Almgren), Beata Gustafva Indebetou (born Almgren) and 6 other children. Joachim died on 1 April 1817 in Västerås domkyrkoförs (U).
Ny svensk släktbok, by K. A. Leijonhufvud (1906, pages 534-540).
International Genealogical Index at FamilySearch Web site. (FamilySearch Web IGI.)
Carl Swartz a Frequent Traveler
Edward Maunder stated that Carl was a great traveler and that he travelled a good deal over Europe and Asia (Minor). (See Maunder's remarks reported in "Report of Meeting held on April 28, 1909", JBAA, Volume 19, 1909; also "The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909. However, once again, Maunder's remark is not referenced.)
Carl Swartz was undoubtedly a frequent traveller in Europe. There is no evidence for the statement that he travelled in Asia Minor. There is no reason to believe that he went to Asia Minor. Apart from a statement about his divorce settlement I have not seen any information on the financial status of Carl Swartz. It can be assumed that Carl Swartz inherited considerable wealth with the death of his father, enabling him to travel and live independently.
He perhaps first travelled between the years 1789-1794. His next opportunities would lie between 1796-1824. According to Edward Maunder, Carl was often in Paris during the Napoleonic régime. ("The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909. Maunder's remark is not referenced.) The period of the Napoleonic regime is usually given as 1792-1819. The period of the French Revolution is usually given as 1792-1799.
"Report of Meeting held on April 28, 1909", JBAA, Volume 19, 1909,
"The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Edward Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909.
Interest in Astronomy and Friendship with French Astronomers
Carl Swartz, seems to have been a keen amateur astronomer.
("The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Edward Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909.) Maunder's remark is not referenced.)
Carl was perhaps also an
amateur philologist. He has been simply stated to be a writer on astronomy. This
is perhaps a more accurate description than that of amateur astronomer. He main interest was obviously the origin and history of the
constellations. Almost nothing is known regarding how he developed his ideas. He published nothing else on astronomy. Carl also had a fascination with France and French
astronomers. He apparently corresponded with, and was a personal friend to, Charles
Dupuis, Jean Delambre, and Jean Bailly.
According to Edward Maunder, Carl appears to have been a correspondent of Dupuis, Delambre, and Bailly. ("The Oldest Picture-book of All", by Edward Maunder, The Nineteenth Century, Volume 48, 1900. Maunder's remark is not referenced.) Edward Maunder later stated that Carl was the friend of Delambre and of several other of the leading French astronomers of the day i.e., during the domination of Napoleon Bonaparte. (Maunder's remarks reported in "Report of Meeting held on April 28, 1909", JBAA, Volume 19, 1909; also "The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909. Maunder's remarks are not referenced.)
"The Oldest Picture-book of All", by Edward Maunder, The Nineteenth Century, Volume 48, 1900.
"The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Edward Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909.
Possible French Influences on Carl Swartz
The period of the early French scientific controversy over the origin and antiquity of the constellations can be dated 1780-1850. Some 20 works by French writers appeared on the subject. It is reasonable to suppose that at least the earliest of these (i.e., those by Dupuis (1781) and Bailly (1782)) came to the attention of Carl Swartz and were the basis of his interest in the origin of the Greek constellations.
During the 18th-century, French was the second language of Europe's upper classes and Sweden was no exception. A large number of French words entered the Sweden language during the 18th-century. The upper classes and rich burghers encouraged their children to learn French. In the latter half of the 18th-century the language of their letter writing was French. (See: The Nordic Languages: n International Handbook of the History of the North Germanic Languages edited by Oskar Bandle, et al. (Volume 2, 2005, Page 1242).) During the 18th-century there was a high level of trade between Sweden and France.
1781: Charles Francois Dupuis (1742-1809):
Charles Dupuis published an important essay titled, Memoire sur l'origine des constellations et sur l'explication de la fable par le moyen de l'Astronomie.
1782: Jean-Sylvain Bailly (1736-1793):
Jean Bailly published his, Histoire de l'Astronomie moderne. The great French astronomer Jean Bailly was one of the first authorities to contest the theories of Charles Dupuis. Jean Bailly dealt with the ideas of Charles Dupuis at great length in the 3rd volume of his, Histoire de l'Astronomie moderne.
1795: Charles Francois Dupuis (1742-1809):
Charles Dupuis published his great work titled, Origine de tous les cultes, ou Religion universalle. This work was an expansion of his earlier, Memoire sur l'origine des constellations et sur l'explication de la fable par le moyen de l'Astronomie. Charles Dupuis held that the zodiacal constellations were originally invented in Egypt at a very remote period. This opinion gained the support of others. However, the one insuperable objection to this theory was the excessive antiquity of 15,000 years which Charles Dupuis assigned to the zodiac.
1804: Antoine Destutt de Tracy (1754-1836):
Published a critique of Charles Dupuis, Analyse raionnée de l'origine de tous les cultes.
It was only during the course of the French expedition to Egypt that the Denderah zodiac (and others) were discovered. (The discovery of both the zodiacs at Dendérah and Esneh by the French expedition occurred during 1798.) The Denderah zodiac disk was sold by Egypt to the French government in the early 1800s and transported to France. Carl Swartz published his ideas just in the years when there was a lot of discussion on the origin of the constellations following the publication of the results of the French expedition to Egypt regarding the zodiac of Denderah and other Egyptian (astronomical) monuments. The argument set out by Carl Swartz marks him as an opponent of the Dupuis school. Dupuis was still living when Swartz settled in Paris.
It is reasonable to assume that Carl Swartz spoke/read French and English, and likely German also.
Carl Swartz Settles in Paris
Carl appears to have settled in Paris, France, circa 1805. He obviously was fluent in French. Also, he obviously had a circle of friends in Paris. Apart from French acquaintances there would also have been other Swedes in Paris. He does not appear to have become a French citizen. It can be inferred that Paris was a more attractive city than Norrköping. At the end of the 18th century France was the centre of mathematical and astronomical progress. At that period ancient astronomical data were still of current practical interest. (See: Otto Neugebauer, A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy, 1975, Part 1, Page 16.) Life could be hard in Norrköping. Norrköping was always one of the largest cities in Sweden: in 1860 it had less than 20,000 people. Circa 1790 it had considerably less people In 1788 there was a great spring flood that caused some damage to the city. Piped water and piped sewerage did not exist in Norrköping until circa 1880. The quality of drinking water was a problem until it was piped and sanitary conditions were poor until sewerage was also piped. Poor housing for workers and degraded landscape surrounding Norrköping were additional issues.
Death in Paris
Carl died in Paris on 11 May, 1824. I cannot find any other details. It would be interesting to know how he spent his time - apart from writing - between 1805 and 1824 (a period of nearly 2 decades). Interestingly, one French source identifies him as a Swedish mathematician (Mathématicien suédois). Carl Swartz would certainly not have felt isolated in Paris. The existence of the Swedish Church of Paris indicated a strong Swedish community residing in Paris. (The Swedish Church/The Church of Sweden is an Evangelical Lutheran national church in Sweden. More than likely Carl Swartz was a member of it.) Contacts could also be made through the Swedish Embassy in Paris.
It is presumed that Carl S(ch)wartz died of natural causes. Paris experienced a smallpox epidemic in 1822. From 1824 to 1829 there was a smallpox pandemic throughout Europe. Paris experienced its worst effects in 1825.
Ny svensk släktbok, by K. A. Leijonhufvud (1906, pages 534-540).
Publications by Carl Swartz
His 6 publications on the Greek constellations span the 10 year period between 1807 and 1817. In the last 7 years of his life he produced nothing further. His last publication was a 36 page response to the British Review critique of his major publications and his ideas.
(1) Recherches …. 1807; (151 pages) C. G. S. traduit du suédois.
(2) Le Zodiaque …. 1809; (151 pages); C. G. S. traduit du suédois.
(3) Qu-est-ce …. 1810?; (20 pages); C. G. S.
(4) Encore …. 1812?; (16 pages); C. G. S.
(5) Mémoire …. 1813; (53 pages); C. G. S.
(6) Lettre …. 1817; (36 pages); C. G. S.
Swartz's publications were limited to the origin of the Greek constellations. Carl Swartz originally wrote a treatise in Swedish on the origin and meaning of the constellations, which was translated into French and it went through 2 editions. In 1807 his ideas on the origins of the constellations were first published in his Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre greque (1807). The (shorter?) supposedly revised (standard) edition of the earlier publication was published as Le Zodiaque expliqué (Paris: Migneret [Desenne?], 1809; 151 pages). It also carried the statement that it was translated from Swedish. (No Swedish version was ever published. The statement must apply to a manuscript.) Carl Swartz appears to be familiar with all the relevant literature on the origin of the constellations that was known at that time. Attributed by Antoine Barbier to C. G. Swartz [not Schwartz] The translator is not identified (for any of the publications) but is likely Carl himself (and perhaps assisted by the publishing firm of Migneret). In the 18th- and 19th-century publication in Paris of scientific books translated from Swedish to French was not uncommon.
Initially Carl Swartz chose to publish anonymously (simply using his initials). One source indicates that he gave a public presentation of his constellation ideas in 1817 in Paris. No other publications on other aspects of astronomy or any other subjects are identifiable. All of his publications were well-known in France and Britain at least.
6 publications on the origin of the constellations are known. In order of publication:
(1) Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre grecque by C. G. S. (Paris: Migneret, 1807); (151 pages.) traduit du suédois. (Translated from Swedish (manuscript?).) Attributed by Antoine Barbier to C. G. Schwartz. Barbier also notes someone has written a comment in the text attributing the work to a Swede named Stéphens. Barbier knew that the identification of the author had been made by other(s) with Stéphens but does not concur.
(2) Le zodiaque expliqué, ou Recherches sur origine et la signification des constellations de la sphčre grecque …. by C. G. S. (Paris: Migneret, 1809); (151 pages.) traduit du suédois.
(3) Qu'est-ce que le zodiaque? En a-t-il jamais existé un vraiment astronomique? by C. G. S. (Paris: Migneret, no date (but circa 1810?). (20 pages.) Attributed by Antoine Barbier to C. G. Schwartz.
(4) Encore quelques arguments contre le Zodiaque by C. G. S. (Paris: Migneret, 1812 (?).
(British Review article of 1817 gives 1813.) (16 pages.) Attributed by Antoine Barbier to C. G. Schwartz. Author appears as ARGUMENTS in British Library catalogue.]
(5) Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne, et spécialement sur le zodiaque by C. G. S. (Paris: Migneret, 1813). (53 pages.) Attributed by Antoine Barbier to C. G. Schwartz. Barbier does not mention this work as being a translation from Swedish. Attributed by Barbier to C. G. Schwartz - but BNF notes that someone has written a comment in the text attributing the work to a Swede named Stéphens. Barbier knew that the identification of the author had been made by other(s) with Stéphens but does not concur. (?) Jean Baptiste Delambre also annotated the text of Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne.
(6) Lettre critique de Mr. C.G.S. a un ami en Angleterre sur la zodiacomanie d'un journaliste anglais : avec la traduction de l'article de ce même journaliste inséré dans le British review, de février 1817, sur la sphère caucasienne de C.G.S. by C G S. (Paris: Migneret, (Publisher Paris : Imprimerie de Migneret, rue de Dragon, no. 20), 1817). (36 pages.)
Note: (1) The correct spelling of Swartz is mostly used by British catalogues of the period for author identification of Le Zodiaque expliqué. The French catalogues mostly use the spelling Schwartz. The identification Swartz appears in an 1853 Swiss catalogue (Catalogue de la Bibliothčque cantonale et universitaire Vaudoise (Switzerland), IV, Sciences et Art, 1855). (2) The British Review article is not identified in listing of Lettre. (3) Reference to Les Supercheries Littéraires Dévoilées appears after listing of Lettre.
Migneret was a prominent French publisher of non-fiction (scientific) texts. Mathieu Migneret (1743-1814) was a French printer/publisher (commercial editor (Editeur commercial) / publisher) who was active in Paris, 1791-1814. His son succeeded him in 1815.
The fact that Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre grecque was translated from Swedish strongly suggests it was written before Swartz settled permanently in Paris. Identifying the year when he did write it/completed writing it is now not likely to be established.
Support from French Astronomers
Included amongst his anonymously published works is his short monograph: Mémoire explicatif sur la sphère caucasienne et spécialement sur le zodiaque by C. G. S. (1813). According to the BNF (Bibliothčque nationale de France) catalogue (when looked at in 2000) the French mathematician and astronomer Jean-Baptiste Delambre (1749-1822) was "part author" by way of making annotations to the text. The BNF catalogue (when looked at in 2015) has "Note : Attribué par Barbier ā Schwartz, mais une note ms., figurant sur l'ex. qui porte la cote 4-V-5036, attribue cet ouvrage ā Stéphens, Suédois." A draft translation is: Note: Attributed by Barbier to Schwartz, but a manuscript note marked 4-V-5036 that is enclosed with the work attributes the authorship to Stephens, a Swede.
Rarity of Le Zodiaque expliqué
To my knowledge 3 original copies of the above book by Carl Swartz have appeared on the European antiquarian book market between circa 2004 and 2008, variously priced between approximately Euros 300 and Euros 600. Between 2008 and 2016 another 4 original copies have appeared on the European antiquarian book market. One of these copies was auctioned in 2015 (for Euros 245). One of the fixed price copies was priced at Euros 80. A digital copy has been freely available on the Internet since early 2008 at least. (All 6 of his publications are now freely available on the Internet.) Since then several other digital copies have become available on the Internet.
Summary of Swartz's Conclusions
In his book Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre grecque, published in Paris in 1807, Carl Swartz proposed that the unconstellated area of the southern sky gave an approximate date for the formation of the constellations. In this book and the 2nd edition published in Paris in 1809 as Le Zodiaque expliqué, Swartz specifically:
(1) Asserted the unmapped space in the southern sky as significant for determining the origin of the constellations.
(2) Argued a case for the essential unity of the constellations as a single set.
(3) Estimated that the radius of the "void zone" was about 40 degrees.
(4) Deducted from the "void zone" that the date of origin of the constellations was 1400 BCE.
(5) Argued a case that astronomy arose with a seafaring people and navigational requirements.
(6) Identified the port city of Baku (north latitude 40 degrees) as the place of origin of the constellations.
Unlike Charles Dupuis and others Carl Swartz identified a recent date for the constellations and the zodiac. However, 1400 BCE is too early a date for the Western constellations. By this date only the Babylonians had a fully constellated sky - but no 12 constellation zodiacal scheme. The suggestion that the constellations were a system of geographical emblems relating to the neighboring countries of the Caucasus of the Caspian Sea is unsustainable. Carl's (flawed) methods for exclusion of fabulous ancient dates for the origin of the constellations and zodiac still constituted an important step.
Belief Concerning the Greek Constellations Originated in Baku
According to Swartz the twelve signs of the zodiac: is not the oldest astronomical scheme, is falsely attributed to the Greeks, the scheme was invented about 1400 BCE, and the scheme contains a system of geographical emblems which relate to the neighboring countries of the Caucasus of the Caspian Sea. He speculated that the city of Baku was the centre/capital of an ancient empire. Carl Swartz thought that the whole system of the constellations referred to the geography of the Caucasus (Caucasia) (a region at the border of Europe and Asia, situated between the Black and the Caspian seas), and the borders of the Caspian. Swartz endeavoured to prove that the constellations were nothing but a sort of symbolical geography of the west shore of the Caspian Sea. This idea is the most fanciful part of his publications.
There is no evidence that Swartz ever visited or came near to Baku. All of his information is based on the reports of other travellers (who he carefully identifies).
Belief that the Greek Constellations Originated in Baku
Carl Swartz's ideas for the origin of science and culture in the Caucasus region were based on Von den kaukasischen [kaukcasischen] Völkern der mythischen Zeit, ein abermaliger Beytrag zur Historie und Geographie der Mythologie by Theodor Ditmar (1789). Professor Theodor Jacob Ditmar (1734-1791) was a Prussian historian and geographer, Prof. für Geschichte und Geographie am Gymnasium. He has also been mistakenly described as an archaeologist.
A review of Swartz's Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne (1813) appeared in the (German) journal, Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen. According to the review Swartz's claims for the origin of science and culture in the Caucasus region were based on the 1789 publication by Theodor Jacob Ditmar.
These type of ideas were briefly mirrored by Robert Eisler in his somewhat unreliable book, The Royal Art of Astrology (1946).
Von den kaukasischen Völkern der mythischen Zeit: ein abermaliger Betrag zur Historie und Geographie der Mythologie für Gymnasiasten, by Theodor Jakob Ditmar. (Berlin: F. Maurer, 1789, 64 pages). Note: The title slightly varies between library catalogues.
Knowledge of Baku and Maps of Baku
Included with the 1807 and 1809 editions of his major book are a map of the provinces of Chirvan in Georgia and part of Armenia, and a view of Baku in 1683. It is quite evident that Carl's knowledge of Baku and surrounding region - and the maps - were obtained from Engelbert Kaempfer's book Amoenitatum exoticarum (1712).
1683 saw the visit of the Swedish Ambassador Ludvig Fabritius, and Engelbert Kaempfer, to Baku (as part of a trade mission to Iran). (Source: Internet information page on the history of Baku. Internet: Svenskt biografiskt handlexicon.) Ludvig Fabritius (1648-1729) was a Swedish military officer, diplomat, and, it seems, mapmaker. (The route of travel from Russia passed through Baku.) 1712 saw the publication of Engelbert Kaempfer's book, Amoenitatum exoticarum. (Source: Internet biographies.) Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-1716) was a German physician and traveller.) Amoenitatum exoticarum has a fold-out containing multiple illustrations of Baku and surroundings and a 19 page description of Baku and surroundings. Swartz's 1807 and 1809 books include a view of Baku and surroundings dated 1683. They are reproduced from Kaempfer's book.
For the preparation/production of Le zodiaque expliqué the following persons are mentioned: C. G. S(ch)wartz (1757-1824), Auteur; Jean-Baptiste Poirson (1760-1831), Cartographie; Jean Baptiste Tardieu (1768-1837), Gravure; Mathieu Migneret (1743-1814) (commercial editor), Imprimeur / Imprimeur-libraire; and Victor Desenne (1768?-1837) (commercial editor), imprimeur-libraire, Libraire.
In the pages of the French Oriental journal Nouveau Journal Asiatique, Tome XIV, 1834, the Libraire Orientale de Dondey-Dupré, Pčre et Fils was advertising for sale (1) Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne, et spécialement sur le zodiaque by C. G. S. (1813) (8 francs 50 centimes), and (2) Amoenitatum exoticarum by Engelbert Kaempfer (1712) (38 francs 50 centimes).
Copies of Swartz's Publications in BL and BNF
Copies of Swartz's key publications appear in the catalogues of public libraries and scientific society libraries in Europe, Russia, and North America.
Swartz's publications in the British Library (Barbier (?) is used to identify C. G. S. as C. G. Schwartz):
(1) Le Zodiaque expliqué, ou Recherches sur l'origine et la signification des constellations de la sphčre grecque (2nd edition, 1809).
(2) Encore quelques arguments contre le Zodiaque (1812? 16 pp). (BR article of 1817 gives 1813.)
(3) Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne, et spécialement sur le zodiaque (1813).
(4) Lettre critique de M. C. G. S. ā un ami en Angleterre, sur la zodiacomanie d'un journaliste anglais, avec la traduction de l'article de ce męme journaliste inséré dans le British Review de février 1817, sur la sphčre caucasienne de C. G. S. (1817, 36 pp). British Library Web Catalogue.
Note: Personal e-mail (2001) from Des McTerman, Early Printed Collections (French), British Library.
Recherches …. 1807 [(1)], and Qu'est-ce …. 1810 [(6)] are not listed.
Recherches …. Only appears in Antoine Barbier and Joseph Marie Quérard.] All copies are clean and do not contain any hand written notes.
Swartz's publications in the BNF (Bibliothčque nationale de France) (Barbier used to identify C. G. S. as C. G. Schwartz):
(1) Le Zodiaque expliqué, ou Recherches sur l'origine et la signification des constellations de la sphčre grecque (2nd edition, 1809, 153 pp).
(2) Encore quelques arguments contre le Zodiaque (sans date, 16 pp).
(3) Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne, et spécialement sur le zodiaque (1813, 53 pp).
(4) Lettre critique de M. C. G. S. ā un ami en Angleterre, sur la zodiacomanie d'un journaliste anglais, avec la traduction de l'article de ce męme journaliste inséré dans le British Review de février 1817, sur la sphčre caucasienne de C. G. S. (1817, 36 pp).
(5) Qu'est-ce que le zodiaque? En a-t-il jamais existé un vraiment astronomique? (sans date, 20 pp).
BNF Web Catalogue. Recherches …. 1807 [(1)] is not listed.
Books Sent to Libraries and Scholars
Circa 1810-1815. It would appear that Carl Swartz sent copies of several of his works to Johann Elert Bode (1747-1826). (Identified by Robert H. van Gent from Bode's review of Swartz in Berliner Astronomisches Jahrbuch, 1815.) Johann Bode was one of the foremost astronomers of his time interested in celestial cartography.
Circa 1810-1815. It would appear that Carl Swartz sent copies of several of his works to the German classical scholar Johann Konrad Schaubach (1764-1849). (Also identified by Robert H. van Gent from Bode's review of Swartz in Berliner Astronomisches Jahrbuch, 1815.) Johann Schaubach was the author of a history of Greek astronomy and editor of the works of Aratus, Eratosthenes, Germanicus, etc.) Johann Schaubach was not aware of who the initials C. G. S. stood for.
Notices and Book Reviews
It ios indicated that the books were frequently reviewed by French, German, and English reviewers. Examples are:
Brief (6-line) mention of Swartz's Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre grecque in the French journal Magasin encyclopédique, ou journal des sciences, des lettres et des arts. The mention appears in Volume 5, (October?) 1807 [Pages 465-466].
A 7-page review (by ?) of Swartz's Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre grecque in the (German) journal Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen. Full journal title: Göttingsche Gelehrte Anzeigen. Unter Aufsicht der Akademie der Wissenschaften. (Review: 18th August, 1808, pages 1313-1320.)
A brief notice of Swartz's Le Zodiaque expliqué (apparently unchanged reprint of 1807 book but with new title) in the (German) journal Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen.
(I think I have a copy of this notice somewhere. I presume the review appeared 1809/1810. It may well be the last paragraph mention in the longer review of
Qu'est-ce …. appearing 8th December, 1810.)
Anonymous 15-page review of Le Zodiaque expliqué in the (German)
journal Monatliche Correspondenz zur Beförderung der Erd- und Himmels-Kunde (Zwanzigster
Band [Volume 20], 1809 pages 34-50). Robert H. Van Gent is of the opinion that
the anonymous reviewer was probably von Zach. [Freyherrn F. von Zach/F. Freyherr
von Zach? - the journal editors(s)? (Robert H. van Gent has the identification
of the editor as [the astronomer, Baron] Franz Xaver Freiherr von Zach
(1754-1832), [Direktor der Sternwarte zu Gotha].] The reviewer makes a brief
mention of the "void zone" argument.
A 2-page review (by ?) of Swartz's Le Zodiaque expliqué in the (French) journal Magasin encyclopédique, ou journal des sciences, des lettres et des arts. Robert H. van Gent points out that a brief mention of Swartz's 1807 publication is contained in another review article (October, 1809?) [or earlier/later article in the same journal?]
An 8-page review of Swartz's Qu'est-ce que le zodiaque? In the (German) journal Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen. The review appeared in the issue for 8th December, 1810.
A 5[6?]-page review of Swartz's Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne in the (German) journal Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen. The review appears in the 1813 issue/volume. Robert H. van Gent points out that the review mentions Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne was written in response to L'antiquité dévoilée au moyen de la Genčse, et de la Théogonie d'Hésiode expliquée par la Genčse, by Charles Robert Gosselin [(1740-1820)] (Paris, [3rd edition?] 1812; 4th edition 1817) that criticized Swartz's theories. (The contents of the book by Gosselin is described as bible criticism and interpretation.) The review also mentions that Swartz's claims for the origin of science and culture in the Caucasus region were based on Von den kaukasischen Völkern der mythischen Zeit: ein abermaliger Betrag zur Historie und Geographie der Mythologie für Gymnasiasten, by Theodor Jakob Ditmar [(1734-1791)] (Berlin: F. Maurer, 1789, 64 pages).
A critical (English-language) review of 3 publications by C.G.S., by Anon appeared in, The Literary Panorama, and National Register, New Series, Volume 1, October, 1814, Columns 257-259.
The German astronomer Johann Elert Bode (1747-1826) gave a 10-page summary of the works of C. G. S. in the 1815 issue of Berliner Astronomisches Jahrbuch. Article/review located by Robert H. van Gent. Berliner Astronomisches Jahrbuch was issued annually by Johann Bode. Johann Bode was not aware of who the initials C. G. S. stood for. Johann Bode was critical of the arguments of C. G. S. (I have not yet seen this review.)
Publication of English article in The British Review and London Critical Journal critical of C. G. S's. [Schwartzs] ideas. Publications reviewed are:
Le Zodiaque …. . Mémoire Explicatif …. (1813).
Encore quelques …. (1813). "Origin and Antiquity of the Zodiac", by Anon, The British Review and London Critical Journal, Volume 9, Number 17, February, 1817.
(British Literary Magazines: The Romantic Age 1789-1836, by Alvin Sullivan (1983; pages 68-76).)
(The Dictionary of National Biography, edited by Sir Leslie Stephen and Sir Sidney Lee (Volume XVI, Pocock-Robbins). Contains no biographical details and does not identify S(ch)wartz. Also, the anonymous reviewer does not mention the "void zone" argument for dating the antiquity of the constellations.) It would appear that all unsigned reviews (between 1811 and 1822) in the British Review were written by William Roberts (1767-1849; barrister and author) who was the journal's editor for that period.
Publication of: Lettre critique de M. C. G. S. ā un ami en Angleterre, sur la zodiacomanie d'un journaliste anglais, avec la traduction de l'article de ce męme journaliste inséré dans le British Review de février 1817, sur la sphčre caucasienne de C. G. S. (Paris: Migneret, 1817). [36 pages.] Published in response to British Review article. Attributed by Antoine Barbier to C. G. Schwartz.
Interestingly, Le Zodiaque expliqué was noted in The Classical Journal, Volume 10, September-December, 1814, Page 42. Swartz's Le Zodiaque expliqué (1809) was noted in Kongliga Vetenskaps Academiens Nya Handlingar, Volume XXXIII, October, November, December, 1812. (Kongliga Vetenskaps Academiens Nya Handlingar was a Swedish science journal (published Stockholm : Lars Salvius, 1757-1856).)
Responses by Carl Swartz to Negative Reviews
Carl Swartz's publications on the constellations were not well received.
Interesting was the publication of: Widerlegung einiger Stellen der am 10n Juni 1813 in den goettingenschen gelehrten Anzeigen No. 92 eingerückten Beurtheilung eines zu Paris unter folgendem Titel erschieneven Werkes: Mémoire explicatif sur la sphčre caucasienne par G. C. S. by Peter Korner (Paris: gedruckt bei J.-B. Sajou, 1813; 45
pages). (Identified by Robert H. van Gent from Bode's review of Swartz in Berliner Astronomisches Jahrbuch, 1815.) Johann Bode also received from C. G. S. copies of Peter Korner's rebuttal of the negative review of the works of C. G. S. in the German journal Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen. Johann bode believed that Peter Korner and C. G. S. were the same person.
Maunder's Discovery of Le Zodiaque expliqué
The Royal Observatory, Greenwich sun spot specialist Edward Maunder discovered a copy of Le Zodiaque expliqué in the observatory library and in a series of articles from 1898 to 1913 Maunder reintroduced many of the ideas of its author. The book copies in the Royal Observatory library may have been donated by Carl Swartz. He presented copies of his publications to the Royal Society of London.
The resurgence of the "void zone" argument, and its expansion was undoubtedly due to its promotion in a series of articles by E[dward]. Walter Maunder. Maunder's discovery and reintroduction of the "void zone" argument, originally put forward by the Swede Carl Swartz in 1809 ensured it was noticed in the 20th century. Maunder's close friend and fellow-astronomer A[ndrew]. C. D. Crommelin was the most influential 20th century person to ensure the "void zone" argument was not lost. From 1898 to 1907 Maunder published at least 6 articles and devoted a chapter in 2 books actively promoting the "void zone" argument. These multiple essays were pivotal to the renewal of the "void zone" argument in the 20th-century, by numerous other people. Previous to Maunder, writers who discussed the "void zone" argument did so in a single article or book chapter, and then only briefly.
Maunder's Knowledge of Carl Swartz
Edward Maunder knew very little about Carl S(ch)wartz. However, given the paucity of sources with any biographical details he was rather successful in gleaning the little information he did know. Maunder gives information not found elsewhere. Unfortunately Maunder does not give his sources for the little that he does know - or seems to know - about Carl S(ch)wartz..
Edward Maunder knew when he published his first article in 1898 on the origin of the Western constellations that C. G. S was a Swede. Maunder's remark is not referenced but it was likely assumed from the title page of Le Zodiaque expliqué (1809) which carried the statement: "TRADUIT DU SUÉDOIS".
Some 10 years later Maunder was able to state that Carl "was of good family and position" and "was a man of some considerable means". (See Maunder's remarks reported in "Report of Meeting held on April 28, 1909", JBAA, Volume 19, 1909; also "The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909.) Maunder also stated that he had not much information about Carl G. Schwartz. None of it is referenced. Maunder uses the spelling Schwartz instead of Swartz.)
It is not indicated that Maunder knew that in about 1770 Petter Swartz started large-scale production of snuff in Norrköping, making him a very wealthy man..
Maunder's Publications Using the "Void Zone" Argument
E. Walter Maunder publishes "The Zodiac Explained" in The Observatory (1898). Note: In this article (and all his other relevant articles) Maunder does not reveal his sources for biographical details of S(ch)wartz. Apart from the early article in the British Review (1817) the article by Maunder would seem to be the first English-language renewal of the discussion of Carl Swartz's ideas. In The Observatory article Maunder identifies that a copy of
Rescherches …. (1807) and Le Zodiaque …. (1809) were in the library of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. Maunder mimics the title of Swartz's,
Le Zodiaque expliqué (1809). However, Maunder cannot make identification of C. G. S. and can only comment that he was possibly the Swedish consul at Baku.
E. Walter Maunder publishes "The Oldest Astronomy [I]" in The Journal of the British Astronomical Association (1898). No mention of S(ch)wartz is made in the article.
E. Walter Maunder publishes "The Oldest Astronomy II" in The Journal of the British Astronomical Association (1899). Note: In this article (and all his other relevant articles Maunder does not reveal his sources for biographical details of S(ch)wartz. Maunder acknowledges his debt to C. G. S. in this paper and the preceding paper "The Oldest Astronomy [I]". However, Maunder still cannot make identification of C. G. S. and offers no biographical details at all.
E. Walter Maunder publishes "The Oldest Picture-book of All" in The Nineteenth Century (1900). Note: In this article (and all his other relevant articles Maunder does not reveal his sources for biographical details of S(ch)wartz. In this paper Maunder can now identify Carl G. Schwartz (but not Carl Gottlieb Swartz). The only 2 biographical details offered are (1) Schwartz appears to have resided at Baku at the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century, and (2) Schwartz appears to have been a correspondent of Dupuis, Delambre, and Bailly. Absent is the Swedish consul detail.
E. Walter Maunder publishes "The Oldest Astronomy III" in The Journal of the British Astronomical Association (1904). The contents of this paper are not directly related to Carl Swartz.
E. Walter Maunder publishes "The Oldest Astronomy IV" in The Journal of the British Astronomical Association (1909). Maunder's remarks reported in "Report of Meeting held on April 28, 1909", JBAA, Volume 19, 1909; also "The Oldest Astronomy IV", by Maunder, JBAA Volume 19, 1909. Note: In this article (and all his other relevant articles Maunder does not reveal his sources for biographical details of S(ch)wartz. The only purpose Maunder seems to have for this article is to provide the additional biographical details of S(ch)wartz that he had obtained. Maunder is the only "modern" English source for biographical details of S(ch)wartz. All biographical details known to Maunder are in this article and also his comments reported in the "Report of Meeting held on April 28, 1909" - which is when he delivered the "IV" paper. In total there are only some 7 biographical details and apart from the name Carl G. Schwartz 2 of the details are repeats from "Picture-book" (1900). Interestingly, in "Report", S(ch)wartz
is referred to as a "young man". At the time of publication of Recherches …. In 1807, S(ch)wartz was 50 years old. Note: Maunder is sceptical regarding Richard Proctor possibly having access to information about S(ch)wartz and his ideas.
E. Walter Maunder publishes "The Origin of the Constellations" in The Observatory (1913). Note: In this article (and all his other relevant articles Maunder does not reveal his sources for biographical details of S(ch)wartz. It seems that no source of information for Maunder was able to move past 1813 for any of S(ch)wartz's publications (or knowledge of S(ch)wartz). Maunder effectively only knew of the titles reviewed by Anon in "Origin and Antiquity of the Zodiac" (British Review, 1817). By 1909, Maunder still really only knew of 4 of the 6 publications by S(ch)wartz (Recherches …. (1807), Le Zodiaque …. (1809), Encore quelques …. (1813), and Mémoire (1813). Note: In 1898-1899-1900 articles Maunder only knew of titles 1 (Recherches ....) to 2 (Le Zodiaque …. (1809)). By the time of his 1909 article Maunder knew of titles 1 to 4 but not 5 to 6. Maunder knew that the 1809 book was simply a reprint, with a new title, of the 1807 book.
Recent Article Supporting Carl Swartz
"Saint Land of fires and Zodiac." by Nazila B. Soltanova, PhD, (International Journal of Innovation and Scientific Research, Volume 23, Number 1, May, 2016, Pages 34-40. The author, Lead Researcher, Assistant Professor, Institute of Physics, NAS, Azerbaijan (joined 1988), accepts the arguments of Carl Swartz. The article is a fantasy; muddled and containing numerous mistakes. Nazila Soltanova is interested in the history of science and technology, and is currently exploring the history of the exact sciences, physics in Azerbaijan in the medieval period.
Recent Mention of Carl Swartz
CGS is briefly mentioned in Mémoires de la Société royale des sciences de Ličge, 1961, Page 324.
Uncovering the Identity of C.G.S.
Identification of publications by G. S./C. G. S. as G. Swartz/C. G. Schwartz in Dictionnaire des Ouvrages Anonymes, par Antoine Barbier (4 volumes, 1822-1827). The relevant edition is the 4 volumes (2nd edition) published 1822-1827. Also, the 4 volumes of the 3rd edition published 1872-1879.
French publication (Annuaire Nécrologique) notes the death of C…. G…. Schwartz in Paris, on 11 May 1824.
Annuaire Nécrologique ou Complément Annuel, par A. Mahul. Année 1824. (Paris, Décembre 1825). [Source identified by Robert H. van Gent.] In addition to noting the death of Schwartz it also lists his following publications:
Qu'est-ce …. (20 pages). Mémoire …. (1813). Lettre …. (1817). The following note also appears: (Extrait de la Bibliographies de la France rédigée par M. Beuchot; vol. de 1824, pag. 782.).
Identification of both death of Schwartz in Paris, on 11 May 1824 and 4 publications by C. G. S. as C. G. Schwartz in
La France Littéraire ou Dictionnaire Bibliographique, par Joseph Marie Quérard (10 volumes?, 1836). Notes publications:
Lettre …. 1817. Mémoire …. 1815. Qu-est-ce …. sans date, 20 pages.
Recherches …. 1807 traduit du suédois. Note: The British Review article is identified in
Identification of C. G. S. as C. G. Schwartz and identification of 4 publications by Schwartz in
Les Supercheries Littéraires Dévoilées, par Joseph Marie Quérard (3 volumes?, 1847). Notes publications by C. G. Schwartz:
Recherches …. 1807 traduit du suédois. Le Zodiaque …. 1807 traduit du suédois.
Mémoire …. 1813. Lettre …. 1817. Note: The British Review article is identified in Lettre.
Identification of C. G. S. as C. G. Schwartz and identification of 4 publications by Schwartz in Bibliographie Générale de L'Astronomie Jusqu'en 1880, par J. C. Houzeau et A. Lancaster (5 parts, 1880-1889). Notes publications by C. G. S[chwartz]: Le Zodiaque …. 1807, 1809. Qu'est-ce …. 1811. Mémoire …. 1813. Lettre …. 1817. Note: After listing of Le Zodiaque expliqué (which it notes as a Traduction) it states "L'original suédois n'a pas éte imprimé." [Draft translation: The original Swedish does not seem to have been printed.] Note: It lists (a review of Le Zodiaque expliqué) in the (German) journal Monatliche Correspondenz zur Beförderung der Erd- und Himmels-Kunde (Zwanzigster Band [Volume 20], 1809 pages 34-50).
Problems With the "Void Zone" Argument
I coined the term "void zone" in preference to the older common term "zone of exclusion" i.e., absence of far southern constellations from the Greek scheme. Though the principle appears valid: (1) The Aratean data doesn't possess enough precision and so latitude and epoch remain indeterminable. (2) As the strategy handles the constellations as a set, evolutionary models of constellation development are excluded from its jurisdiction.
The "void zone" argument, though popular since its reintroduction by Edward Maunder and Andrew Crommelin, has multiple problems. The chief premise of the "void zone" argument is that the classical Greek constellations (i.e., the Aratean constellations) were designed at one definite time and in one place, according to a preconceived plan. The argument for establishing the time and place of the Aratean constellations is based on the extent of the vacant space left around the south pole of the celestial sphere when all but the Aratean constellations are removed; and the apparent movement of the stars due to precession. The further assumption made is that the area of the globe that was not constellated in the description of Aratus was centred on the south celestial pole at the date when the constellations were fixed.
The size of the "void zone" is taken as a clue to the latitude at which the constellation inventors lived. A date is found when, by allowing for precession, the centre of the "void zone" on the globe is in the position of the south celestial pole.
The subjectivity of the method is demonstrated by the varying estimates of the radius of the "void zone" (30 degrees to 40 degrees) and the varying estimates of the date of origin given by precession (1400-2800 BCE). Anyway, the boundaries of the "void zone" cannot be accurately defined as we lack the understanding of the original boundaries of the classical Greek constellation figures. Due to our lack of knowledge of the boundaries of the Aratean constellations the "void zone" method is inherently subjective and its use can lead to no real agreement (as it has failed to do) regarding the latitude and date for the constellations being designed at one definite time and place.
Many of the Aratean constellations show a similarity with Babylonian constellations. The Greek constellation scheme of Aratus of Soli (3rd-century BCE) contains a mix of both Babylonian constellations and non-Babylonian constellations. The Babylonian component of the Aratean constellations is traceable to both Babylonian "star calendar" constellations of the 2nd millennium BCE and also to Babylonian constellations listed in the later Mul.Apin series (circa 1000 BCE). (The few known 8th-century BCE constellations of Homer mirror the constellations already existing in the Babylonian scheme.) The Babylonian scheme of constellations has always been a mix of constellations mentioned by Aratus and other constellations outside the Aratean scheme. A definite Babylonian influence on the later Greek scheme of constellations is reasonably indicated. It is obvious that the Greeks borrowed certain constellations from the Babylonians and it is obvious that the constellations could not have originated, or been adopted, as a single devised scheme by either the Babylonians or the Greeks.
If the constellations originated as a set circa 2000-2800 BCE, as commonly claimed by the proponents of the "void zone" method, then they cannot have originated with the Greeks. However, the latitude at which the constellations were believed to have originated as a single scheme cannot refer to Mesopotamia because their earliest scheme of constellations, though dating to the 2nd millennium BCE, was a mix of constellations mentioned by Aratus and other constellations outside his scheme.
Crediting the Minoans, as some like to do, as the makers of the classical constellations and offering explanations based on the destruction of Minoan civilization and the later ineptitude of the Greeks as observers are also not convincing. There is no evidence that the classical Greek scheme of constellations existed anywhere prior to its evolvement in Greece circa 500 BCE. This includes the fact that there is no evidence that the particular Greek scheme of 12 zodiacal constellations existed anywhere prior to its evolvement in Greece circa 500 BCE. The difficulty with maintaining an ancient zodiac is how can a late Mesopotamian zodiac (developed circa 500 BCE) and comprised of 12 constellations (and 12 equal divisions), and substantially borrowed by the Greeks, have been in use by anybody hundreds of years earlier. (Or even thousands of years earlier, prior to the existence of the Babylonian civilization which demonstrably created it.)
The flawed "void zone" argument has become a common tool for maintaining that a Neolithic zodiac (and fully constellated sky) can be reasonably be proposed. The "void zone" argument can hardly substitute for the lack of clear evidence (which tends to fall under the murky heading of "tradition"). Even if the "void zone" argument were correct it has never offered support for the idea that the constellations could have existed as a deliberately planned set extending back some 6000-8000 years BCE (or further). The use of the "void zone" argument controls the feasible range for the dating of the constellations if they are considered to have originated as a deliberately planned scheme. Interestingly, Edward Maunder, a committed proponent of the "void zone" argument, in his later articles on the topic attempted to overcome this limitation by implying a very slow developmental period for the final scheme of constellation design (see: "Origin of the Constellations." The Observatory, Volume 36, 1913, Page 330).
Lack of Portrait of Carl Swartz
A portrait of Carl Swartz is not readily accessible. I have yet to determine a location where one might exist.
Portrait of Pehr [Peter] Jacob Swartz 1755-1819, the eldest brother of Carl Swartz. Date and place of portrait is unknown. (Petter Jacob Swartz (1755–1819). Miniatyr av Domenico Bossi. Norrköpings konstmuseum. https://sok.riksarkivet.se/Sbl/Presentation.aspx?id=34808; also Dictionary of Swedish National Biography, Swartz, släkt, Band 34, sida 407.) Pehr was born on 23 November 1755, in S:t Johannes, Norrköping (E). A painted portrait of Carl Swartz is apparently held in the KONSUL GUSTAF EKLUNDS PORTRÄTTARKIV at the Depot, Norrköping City Archive. A painted portrait of Petter Swartz is held there. (Norrköpings stadsarkiv, Arkivinstitution; Besöksadress: Rådhuset, ingång Torggatan; Postadress: Norrköping kommun, 601 81 Norrköping; Telefon: 011-15 11 70; Fax: 011-15 11 62; Webbplats: www.norrkoping.se/stadsarkivet)
Portrait of Carl Swartz listed in: Östgötar från fem sekler : porträtt och miljö (1929), Page 51, 200. Swartz, Karl Gottlieb:
Appendix 1: Limited Biographical Entries for Carl Swartz
Entry for C. G. Schwartz in Bibliographie de la France (1824, Page 782). This source appears to be the earliest, or one of the earliest, identifications of C. G. S. as C. G. Schwartz. The entry for C. G. Schwartz in l'Annuáire Nécrologique de 1825, Page 272, has a note identifying it as being extracted from Bibliographie de la France (1824, Page 782). The source of the death information seems to have been the civil register. The identification of C. G. S. with C. G. Schwartz was likely known by 1824. Checking with the publisher would have produced more details - apparently this was not done. Once Carl Schwartz settles in Paris circa 1805 there are no details available - or yet found - concerning him, except for his death. All we really know is his publications were written in Paris. Perhaps Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre grecque (1807) was written, or begun, in Norrköping. It is not known for how long he researched the book.
The very brief entry for C. G. Schwartz begins over halfway down. It suggest that Carl Swartz was not a well-known/prominent figure. There is less detail than would have been available to the editors. Also, there is a misprinted date 1713 for 1813. The error did not appear in the (original) 1834 edition. Source: Biographie universelle ou Dictionaire Historique, Nouvelle Édition, 1836, [6 Volumes] Tome Cinquičme [Volume 5], Page 472. Some 12 years after the death of Carl Swartz only minimal information is given. Note: The source for major French publications of this period briefly noting C. G. Schwartz appears to have (ultimately) been, Bibliographie de la France (Number 50, 11 décembre 1824, Page 782).
Civil registers kept by the French government since 1792 records births, marriages, and deaths (and may include divorce records). French civil registration offices are the likely source for the meager death details of Carl Swartz. Civil authorities began registering births, marriages, and deaths in 1792. After this date, all individuals who lived in France are recorded. These records cover all the population, are indexed, are easily accessible, provide more information than church records, and include persons of all denominations. Other significant genealogical sources, such as church records, are not easily available after 1792, not complete, not necessarily accurate and not considered as reliable a source as the civil registers. Civil death records often exist for individuals for whom there are no birth or marriage records. Deaths were usually registered within a day or two of the death in the town or city where the person died. Early death records may give only the name, date, and place of death. But most of them will also give the age, birthplace, and parents' names (including mother's maiden surname), and whether or not the parents are also deceased. The death certificates usually have two informants, at least one of them closely related. Information in death records may be subject to error because the informants may have lacked complete information. Two civil registers were created for each event. One register is kept at the registrar's office [bureau de l'état civil], usually in the town hall [mairie]. The other register is made available to the public at the departmental archive after it is 100 years old. A fire in 1871 destroyed almost all the civil registers of Paris before the year 1860. The French government has reconstructed about 2.7 million of the estimated eight million burned records.
Newspapers were relatively rare in the 18th and early 19th centuries. There is no indication of a Swedish-language newspaper/news sheet being published in Paris for the Swedish community there. However, in 1758 a newspaper was established in Norrköping. The Swedish-language newspaper was (originally) published weekly as Norrköpings Weko-Tidningar. Some time later it became a daily newspaper and its names changed to Norrköpings Tidningar It is still published. It is likely that some mention of Carl Swartz appears in the publication.
Svenska Släktkalendern (The Swedish Family Register) only started publication in 1885 All family articles start with an introduction about the origin of the specific family and continue with a listing of all family members at the time of the publication and how they are related. Many families have only appeared once, but others update their overview regularly.
Appendix 2: Petter Swartz
In the 16th-century, Swedes began to mix tobacco leaves with salt and water to place behind the upper lip. (Initially, nasally inhaled snuff was practiced.) In the early 1800s, maybe somewhat earlier, Swedish consumers switched to placing a pinch of snus under the lip. Many farmers, who had their own tobacco plantations, made their own snus. They ground the tobacco in their coffee grinders or in snus mills that they had carved themselves. During the 1800s, Swedish manufacturers began to produce local varieties of the moist snus. Some popular suppliers include Petter Swartz with Röda Lacket and J.A. Boman with General snus. However, the largest brand was Ettan, Ljunglöfs Ettan. Jacob Fredrik Ljunglöf's plant at Badstugatan, today Sveavägen in Stockholm, traces its roots to a tobacco company founded around 1695. Jacob Fredrik Ljunglöf took over the company in 1822 and turned it into the leading snus plant in Europe and the world.
Petter (Peter) Swartz (father of Carl Gottlieb Swartz) was born 17 May 1726 and was a son of mine owner Olof Persson Swartzången in Kroppa in Värmland. His family had farmed there for generations. Petter Swartz moved to Norrköping in 1751 from Stockholm. In the same year he was employed as accountant/bookkeeper with the Gripen sugar mill in Norrköping. (In the 1740s, Norrköping had three sugar refineries.) He was the first to introduce the Italian double-entry bookkeeping method to Norrköping. Prior to this he had served as 'boddräng/husdräng' [shop hand/house servant] for 6 years with the French merchant Jean Crescs trading business at Köpmansgatan 11 in Old Town in Stockholm. In connection with this service he got in touch with the French who introduced the manufacture of Spanish snuff in Sweden. From them he learned the technique of manufacturing snuff and some sources state he started his own production of snuff in Stockholm. No evidence for this claim has been found.
In 1753 Petter Swartz was given a licence (privilege) to manufacture snus (snuff) in Norrköping. On November 12, 1753, he gave an invitation to his brother, Olof (1728-1768) to join him in producing Spanish snuff in Norrköping. (Olof S(ch)wartz 1728-1768 married and had one child.) According to one source both brothers had received a licence ['privilegium'] to produce snus (snuff). According to Tobaks Tändsticks Museum: "In 1753, two brothers, Olof and Petter Swartz, were granted a licence to manufacture snus in the town of Norrköping. According to one source it was later that Petter's brother Olof Swartz (1728-1768) also came to Norrköping and became a director in the company. (His son Olof Swartz (1760-1818) became a prominent natural scientist and botanist.) They soon went separate ways, but Petter Swartz continued to make snus. By the late 1800s, the company was one of the biggest snus manufacturers in Sweden." It seems likely it was Petter Swartz who was granted the licence and he established the business with his brother Olaf Swartz. The brothers bought a plot of land in the neighborhood of Linden where they started their snuff manufacturing (beginning 1753), and where Petter Swartz had established his residence. In 1761 either the brothers or Petter Swartz purchased property next to 'Knäppingeborg invid Motala ström i Norrköping' [Knäppingeborg adjacent to the Motala River in Norrköping], which was developed as a snuff mill that, over time, become one of the largest in Sweden. Finally, the entire block 'Nya Strömmen' [New Stream] was purchased and in 1767 the first stone building was built on the corner of 'Knäppingeborgsgatan och Gamla Rådstugatan.'
Circa 1770 Petter Swartz started large-scale production of snuff in Nörrkoping. When snus production was at its peak, the tobacco fields had expanded to cover an area of almost 395,000 square meters – or just above 1500 tennis courts. Petter and his brother, Olof Swartz, transformed the initially small business by implementing an efficient manufacturing process. They also paid low wages to their workers. Olof Swartz left the company in 1762 (other strong sources state 1768) to take over the 'Törnqvists privilegium' [Törnqvist privilege] on 'kardustllverkning' [Kardus manufacturing] in Norrköping. This left Petter Swartz the sole owner of the business, Norrköpings Snusfabrik (Snusfactory). The business also included a flour mill until 1853, when it became a separate business taken over by John Gustav Swartz (1819-1885). Snus usage increased steadily during the 1800s.
In 1754 Peter Swartz was married to Brita R˙˙ (born Norrköping 23 August 1725 - died Norrköping 17 December 1783). Parents of Brita R˙˙: Father: Jacob Jakobsson R˙˙ born 1687 in Visby, Gotland County, title: 'Bokbindare & tullbesökare,' died 1759 in Norrköping, married Katarina Öjarsdotter Scherelia in 1716, in Visby; Katarina Öjarsdotter Schereli born in 1688, died 1759 in Norrköping. Petter Swartz died 14 February 1789.
Some sources indicate that that Petter Swartz and Brita R˙˙ had 4/5 (?) children; 3/4 (/) sons and 1 daughter. However, other sources indicate they only had 2 children - 1 son and 1 daughter! Correctly, it appears they had 3 sons and 1 daughter. One son, Petter Jacob Swartz, was born 1755 and died 1819. He married Anna Charlotta Erling who died in 1784; he then married Catharina Charlotta Wallström (1759-1820). The other 2 sons were John Swartz and, of course, Carl Gottlieb Swartz. The daughter, Johanna Elisabet Swartz, was born 1766 and died 1808. In 1786 she married Karl Gustav Pereswetoff-Morath (born Torpa, E., 1755-died Söderköping, E., 1812; title: Hovjägmästare) and they had 3 daughters. They resided in Norrköping.
When Petter Swartz died in 1789, his eldest son Petter Jacob Swartz became the leader of the family business. Later, the company was taken over by the latter's son John (Johan) Swartz (1790-1853). John Swartz first worked 1809-1811 at an English trading house and then assisted and took over the snus factory in 1819. In 1824 he participated in the formation of Norrköping's savings bank. He was active as politician both on the local and national level and from 1847 was a member of the Academy of Sciences. In addition, he bought the Courtyard Hofgården (a cluster of buildings) by the river Tåkern. John Swartz also invested in Holmen's snus (Snus Holmen) and was a partner in this. He eventually became a very rich man. John Swartz's son Eric Swartz (1817-1881), after studying in Uppsala, in 1853, became a partner in the father's snus factory and left large donations to the Swartziska friskolan. He was also a politician at local and national level as well as within the county council. He was married to Elisabeth Forsgren. When Eric Swartz he took over the family company a quarrel broke out, driven by Erik's brother Johan Gustav Swartz. Courtyard Hofgården was taken over after John Swartz's death in 1853 by his son Johan Gustaf Swartz (1819-1885). He had founded his own tobacco factory and led this for a while until he took over the Courtyard Hofgården. He also took the initiative for Swedish butter exports to England and was a very active politician at different levels in society. He cultivated sugar beet and was one of the founders of the sugar factory in Vadstena.
The Petter Swartz tobacco factory was passed down for generations, for a total of 160 years. Seven different recipes for snus comprised the backbone of the Swartz empire. Its most famous brand was Röda Lacket (The Red Seal) snuff. In its early days, the snus was mostly popular in the southern Swedish province of Småland. Sons Peter Jackob (title: Grosshandlare, tobaksfabrikör), 1755-1819, (in 1785 married Katarina Chalotta Wallström), and Daniel Frederick, 1765-1828, had in 1784 entered the firm. Daniel Frederick left the firm in 1808 to take over J. G. Nyberg kardusfabrik in Norrköping. The Swartz firm was passed on to any subsequent children and grandchildren: John Swartz, born 1790, Eric Swartz, born 1817, Carl Swartz, born 1858.
The Swartz family became very wealthy and made generous financial contributions to the development of the town of Norrköping, most notably through financing the public library and the town's arts museum. In 1772, Petter Swartz and his wife Britta founded (financed) a private school (the Swartziska friskolan) in Norrköping where students were taught both double-entry bookkeeping and carpentry - skills that were needed in the snus business. (The school was started in 1772 in a house. The house was demolished in 1960.) Petter Swartz was a prominent patron of the arts and sciences. The family and descendents of Petter Swartz played an important part in the industrial (and cultural) history of Norrköping. The family and descendents of Peter Swartz and Brita Ryy also held different kinds of public offices, culminating with Carl Swartz (1858-1926), industrialist and right-wing politician, who was a member of the first chamber of the Swedish Parliament (Riksdagen), 1900-1926, and several of its most important committees, minister of finance 1906-1911, and prime minister of Sweden in 1917 (30 March-19 October). Interestingly, it is indicated by one source that in 1876 Carl Swartz had his own firm and founded a new snuff manufacturing mill. The establishment of the Norrköping Museum of the Arts at the turn of the 20th-century was due to a donation from Pehr [Per] Swartz, a famous snuff manufacturer and patron of the arts. Also, a 6000 kroner donation by Pehr Swartz enabled an observatory dome to be constructed (1911-1912) at the Louis De Geer Gymnasium (Norrköping) and a large (122 mm diameter) Merz refracting telescope to be purchased from Germany.
The most detailed study of the Swartz family was published by the Swedish businessman and cultural historian Edward Ringborg (1857-1929), who resided in Norrköping, the son of Ludvig Ringborg and Catarina Elisabeth Swartz. See: Till Norrköpingskrönikan (2nd edition, 1920). Note: Comprised of multiple volumes concerning Norrköping. Also, Svenska ättartal, Volume 3, 1886.
Appendix 3: A History and Critique of the Void Zone Argument
The poet Aratus of Soli (flourished circa 315-245 BCE) provided in his Phaenomena a very detailed constellation-by-constellation description of the stars of the Greek sphere. The Phaenomena is a didactic poem in hexameters which became immediately popular amongst the Greeks and also had a high reputation amongst the Romans. Its content appears to have been drawn from several sources. It is also known from Hipparchus (2nd-century BCE) that lines 1-757 versify an earlier poetic description of the Greek constellations, Enoptron (The Mirror), by the Greek astronomer Eudoxus of Cnidus (circa 390-340 BCE). At the request of Antigonus II Gonatas, king of Macedonia (277-239 BCE), the poet Aratus (a native of Tarsus) put the earlier descriptive work of Eudoxus on the constellations into poetic form. According to the Greek astronomer Hipparchus the Phaenomena of Aratus followed both the constellation arrangement and the constellation descriptions used by Eudoxus. His description of the stars then is a description of the Eudoxan constellation scheme. Lines 758-1154 deal with weather signs and show a similarity to the work De signis tempestatum by Pseudo-Theophratus.
Some constellation-detectives (i.e., those persons primarily using the void zone argument) have set out a different type of argument using Aratus. For them the poem of Aratus is definitely held to contain clear internal proof that it is a description of the sky made some 700 to 1500 years earlier. The proof is held to be the references to the places of the celestial equator and the tropical circles, and the rising and setting of stars. Isaac Newton, Ducoutant, William Hale, Robert Brown, and Archie Roy are the main constellation detectives who have tried to deduce a date from Aratus' description of the equator and tropical circles. According to Brown (and Pierce?) the Phaenomena of Aratus describes a celestial equator and tropics which date to circa 2000 BCE, even though his poem was written circa 270 BCE.
In his book Recherches sur l'origine et le signification des Constellations de la Sphčre grecque, published in Paris in 1807, Carl Swartz proposed that the unconstellated area of the southern sky gave an approximate date for the formation of the constellations. In this book and the 2nd edition published in Paris in 1809 as Le Zodiaque expliqué, Swartz:
1. Identified the unmapped space in the southern sky as significant for determining the origin of the constellations.
2. Argued a case for the essential unity of the constellations as a single set.
3. Estimated that the radius of the "void zone" was about 40 degrees.
4. Deducted from the "void zone" that the date of origin of the constellations was 1400 BCE.
5. Argued a case that astronomy arose with a seafaring people and navigational requirements.
6. Identified the port city of Baku (north latitude 40 degrees) as the place of origin of the constellations.
It is somewhat surprising that the "void zone" argument originated so late. European explorers had begun to sail through the seas of the Southern Hemisphere at the end of the 16th-century. The Dutch navigator Pieter Keyser, who explored the East Indies in 1595, began the task of constellating the southern sky. The German astronomer Johann Bayer (1572-1625) who published the Uranometria, the first extensive star atlas in the Western world, added other southern constellations. Subsequent star atlases by the Polish astronomer Johannes Hevelius (1611-1687), and by the French astronomer Nicolas-Louis de Lacille (1713-1762), added additional southern constellations. It would appear, however, that the idea of the "void zone" argument did not originate until the early 19th-century.
The methods (but not always the results) applied by Swartz were mimicked, knowingly or unknowingly, by many later writers who sought to uncover the origins of the constellations. Swartz originated the claim that the southern limits of the ancient Greek constellations could be used to determine the place and date of the constellation-makers, and this claim has been copied by every other person who, knowingly or unknowingly, has followed his approach. In the latter part of his life (circa post-1805) Swartz settled in France and published 6 books and monographs outlining his ideas on the origin and history of the constellations. The "void zone" argument then appears to have been forgotten.
The "void zone" argument was subject to fleeting and singular mention by a number of writers (including the English popularizer of astronomy Richard Proctor (1878). In 1878 Proctor included his Myths and Marvels of Astronomy, a book of published essays, his previously widely published paper on "The Origin of the Constellation-Figures." Originally Maunder believed that Proctor's ideas were influenced by knowledge of S(ch)wartz, but Maunder later changed this view. Proctor (1878) set out in detail his examination of the "void zone" argument. Firstly there was a great circle of empty sky about 85 degrees across in the southern hemisphere. Secondly, this empty circular region is now eccentric to the modern southern celestial pole, being offset from it by about 23 degrees. For Proctor the thing which caused the "void zone" to become offset was the precession of the equinoxes (the result of a slow wobble of the Earth's axis which takes 25,868 years to complete a full axial rotation). Proctor argued that the Aratean constellations could be dated by working out when they had once appeared perfectly upright when crossing the southern horizon. For Proctor all that had to be done to date these constellations, from the constant rate of precession, was to establish when the centre of the offset 23 degree region of the blank sky had been the south celestial pole. Proctor suggested that this was around 2170 BCE, at a time when eta Hydri (in Hydrus, not Hydra) would have been the southern pole star.
The "void zone" argument was subject to fleeting and singular mention by a number of writers until it came to the attention of evangelical astronomer E. Walter Maunder, Superintendent of the Solar Department at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. The sustained promotion of the "void zone" argument began with Edward Walter Maunder who took the idea (and acknowledged doing so) from the book Le Zodiaque expliqué, by C. G. S. [Carl Gottlieb Swartz]. According to Maunder two copies of this book were held in the library of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. However, Maunder never revealed his sources for the few biographical details of S(ch)wartz he was able to discover. Between 1898 and 1913 Maunder (and his wife Annie) developed the definitive exposition of the "void zone" argument. The argument not only employed the unconstellated space left around the south region of the sky but also employed the "symmetrical alignment" argument. The "symmetrical alignment" argument holds that the time and place of the origin of the constellations is calculable from consideration of the symmetrical alignment of the constellations (to either the colures or the north equatorial pole). The resurgence of the "void zone" argument in the past four decades, and its expansion, is undoubtedly due to its enthusiastic promotion by Edward Walter Maunder, in a series of articles and book chapters spanning 15 years from 1898 to 1913. (Both Maunder and his wife wrote extensively on the origin of the constellations.) Maunder's discovery and reintroduction of the "void zone" argument, originally put forward by the Swede Carl Swartz in 1807, ensured its revival in the 20th-century. Another key figure in the 20th-century revival was the Irish born astronomer Andrew Crommelin. Crommelin was undoubtedly influenced by Maunder.
From 1898 to 1913 Maunder published at least ten articles and devoted two book chapters to actively promoting the "void zone" argument. These multiple essays were pivotal to the renewal of the "void zone" argument in the 20th-century, by numerous other people (principally Andrew Crommelin (1923), the Canadian astronomer Michael Ovenden (1966), and the Scottish astronomer Archie Roy (1984)). Previous to Maunder, writers who discussed the "void zone" argument did so in a single article or book chapter, and then only briefly. Maunder, borrowing heavily from Swartz, formalized the content of the "void zone" argument. Interestingly, Maunder dismissed Swartz's conclusion that the date of origin of the constellations was 1400 BCE as being evidence that Swartz was misled by either (1) a preconceived idea of the date he would find, or (2) a faulty determination of the centre of the "void zone." Both Roy and Gurshtein expanded the limits of the argument established by Maunder. Maunder (1908) had attempted to estimate the radius of the "void zone" and concluded that a band between 35 degrees and 40 degrees north latitude best accommodated the "void zone" results. The argument for the constellations as a single scheme constellated to the boundary of the horizon places an upper limit on the earliest possible date at which the constellations could have originated. This earliest possible date was recognized by Maunder as circa 3000 BCE.
Maunder's close friend and fellow-astronomer Andrew Crommelin was the most influential 20th-century person to ensure the "void zone" argument was not forgotten. He revived the argument in his chapter "The Ancient Constellation Figures" in Hutchinson's Splendour of the Heavens (1923). Crommelin (1923) estimated that the angular radius of the "void zone" about 36 degrees. This means that the early people who invented the constellations must have lived about 36 degrees north of the equator.
Similar to Robert Brown Junior, Robert Böker argued for the latitude of Babylon being correct for Aratus' poem. Robert Böker proposed a date around 1000 BCE for Aratus' "globe" and a latitude of 33° north. The latitude argument says no more than how Eudoxus fixed the equinoxes and solstices of his "sphere" - he used the Mul.Apin system of the Babylonians. Alex Gurshtein attempts to push the imposed limits of the "void zone" argument by adducing other supposed internal evidence (i.e., symbolic air, earth, and water divisions in the zodiacal constellations) that takes the date back to at least circa 16000 BCE (the period of the last Ice Age).
The starting point for the constellation detectives, in their approach to the origin of the classical constellations, has been the work of Aratus - the lengthy poem Phaenomena. They believe that the forty-four constellations described by the Greek poet Aratus (the basis for our traditional Western constellations) originated in a definite manner. The constellation detectives oppose the belief that the constellations established by the Greeks are the culmination of a slow and random process that encompassed borrowing and adaptation. An early and planned scheme of constellations, invented by a single group of people, has been promoted by Maunder as an argument for a sophisticated positional astronomy circa 2800 BCE. However, the idea is simply devoid of evidence. The constellation detectives believe that the determination of approximately the time and place for the invention of the constellations described by the Greek poet Aratus is not a difficult problem. The constellation detectives believe that the use of the phenomenon known as precession provides them with an important research tool. The effects of precession are easily described. To an observer the stars near the celestial pole gradually shift (the celestial pole appears to slowly change position) and the stars on the horizon rise later, or not at all.
The constellation detectives have derived 5 major arguments from the use of the Phaenomena by Aratus. The basis of these arguments may be summarized as follows:
1. References to the places of the celestial equator and tropical circles.
2. References to the risings and settings of stars.
3. The unconstellated southern region.
4. The symmetrical alignment of the constellations to either the colures or the north equatorial pole.
5. Symbolic air, earth, and water divisions in the zodiacal constellations.
Their case for establishing the time and place of the origin of the Aratean constellations is based on the application two particular tools, and necessarily the acceptance of the premise existing behind each of the two tools. The two tools are (1) consideration of the extent of the vacant space left around the south pole of the celestial sphere when only the forty-seven Aratean constellations are plotted, and (2) the slow apparent movement of the positions of the stars, due to precession. The first tool uses as a clue the fact that Aratus did not describe any constellations around the south celestial pole, for the reason that this area of sky was permanently below the horizon of the constellation makers. For the constellation detectives the defined boundaries of the Aratean constellations bordering and defining the vacant southern space ("void zone") can be used as the first step to calculate the time and place of the origin of the constellations. When the Aratean constellations only are plotted on a globe a large southern portion of the sky remains uncharted. The "void zone" in the southern celestial hemisphere has no ancient constellations. The constellations detectives deduce that those stars not included in the Aratean description of constellations did not rise above the horizon where the constellation inventors lived, so they could not be observed or be included in any constellation scheme.
The constellation detectives further assume that the area of the globe that was not constellated in the description of Aratus must logically have been centred on the south celestial pole at the date when the constellations were fixed. Maunder, without offering any evidence, simply argued that the centre of the space not included in the ancient constellations (of the Aratean sphere) must have been the South Pole of the period when they were designed. He further argued that Swartz had had been in error to estimate circa 1400 BCE for such and that the correct estimation gives roughly the date 2800 BCE. Thus the southern limits of the Aratean constellations, and the inference that the position of the south pole must have occupied the centre of the space left vacant, are the foundations of the further deductions for the establishment of the latitude and epoch for the constellations-makers. The size of the "void zone" is taken as a clue to the latitude at which these constellation inventors lived. Since the constellation detectives generally conclude that the constellation-free zone has a radius of about 36 degrees it is also concluded that the constellation inventors must have lived at the latitude of about 36 degrees north. This latitude is located south of Greece and north of Egypt.
The next problem for the constellation detectives is to find a date when, allowing for precession, the centre of the "void zone" on the globe was in the position of the south celestial pole. The second tool uses as a clue the deduction that the constellation-free zone is not centred on the south celestial pole at the time of Aratus. The estimates made by various constellation detectives for the time when the actual positioning of the centre of the "void zone" corresponded to the south celestial pole have resulted in widely varying dates. The resulting date, affected in part by the deduced angular radius of the "void zone", vary from circa 2000 BCE (Richard Proctor (1878), and Richard Allen (1899), to 2800 BCE (Michael Ovenden (1966). All are at least 1500 years before Eudoxus-Aratus.
From both arguments it is concluded that the constellations described by Aratus were invented at least 2000 BCE by a group of people who lived close to latitude 36 degrees north. The constellation detectives believe they have legitimately established that the Aratean description of the constellations were, as a result of precession, more than 1500 years out of date and were originally designed for a latitude south of Greece and north of Egypt. A date of at least 2000 BCE is (suitably) concluded by the constellation detectives as being too early for the Greeks. They also conclude that the latitude of 36 degrees is too far south for the Greek mainland and whilst the Egyptian civilization is sufficiently old enough the required latitude is too far north for them to be the constellation makers. It is concluded by the constellation detectives that the only plausible centres of civilization at the right time and latitude - circa 2000-2800 BCE and between 36 degrees and 40 degrees north latitude - are in Mesopotamia (the Sumerians and Akkadians) and in the Mediterranean (the Minoans in Crete).
One recent advocate of the "void zone" argument (Archie Roy (1984)) has proposed that the early Mesopotamian scheme of constellations passed from their makers, the Sumerians and Akkadians, to the Minoans. The Minoans then left this legacy on a star-globe (that survived their demise) and this star-globe was inherited by Eudoxus (whilst in Egypt), and finally enshrined in the Phaenomena of Aratus. An earlier writer holding 40 degrees north latitude to be the more accurate estimate of place holds that the constellations an unidentified earlier culture placed in the sky spread over Mesopotamian culture and through Mesopotamia reached Greece some time before Homer. Here this alien set of constellations was adopted, the names of such translated into Greek, and they superseded the older Greek constellations.
Thomas Arnold, who was also critical of Proctor and Brown, stated 5 difficulties with Maunder's arguments for dating the constellations at 2800 BCE. Several are important. Firstly, regarding Maunder's argument that the centre of the "void zone" must have been the South Pole of the period when the constellations were designed. Arnold retorted that we do not know all the ancient constellations. Secondly, regarding Maunder's argument that the date of 2800 BCE gives the only "symmetrical alignment" for the actual constellations of the Zodiac. Arnold retorted that there is a strong tradition that they were originally eleven, not twelve Greek zodiacal constellations, and their position anyway is not symmetrical.
Mary Evershed firstly questions the use of the southern limit as a sufficient guide for the boundaries of the Aratean constellations. She offers a different explanation for the lopsided appearance of the "void zone" than it has moved from its original centre. Evershed points out that one side of the "void zone" is bounded by the brilliant region of stars containing Centaur and Argo whilst the opposite side, between Orion and the Southern Fish, is one of the dullest regions of stars in the sky. The constellation Eridanus was placed in this region of faint stars. Evershed points out that Ptolemy and his predecessors did not hesitate to make alterations to the boundaries of the constellation figures. We simply do not know the ancient position of Eridanus amongst the other constellations. Secondly, Evershed also points out that the description of the celestial equator by Aratus agrees quite well with 800 BCE. She further adds that the two tropical circles described by Aratus always show errors in one place or another when compared with the actual circles of any given date. Her conclusion is that Aratus is too vague in his southern limits, and too incorrect in his celestial circles, to enable use in determining the place and date for the formation of the ancient constellations. In replying to Evershed's criticisms Maunder stated that, unlike Robert Brown, he had never tried to deduce a date from Aratus' description of the equator and tropical circles. Maunder does, however, hold that the significant point for him is the equator and tropics as defined by Aratus were earlier than his own time.
The Classical scholar David Dicks had 3 major criticisms of the constellation detectives. Firstly, Dicks also pointed out the "void zone" is not a circular shape but has been described as at best "irregular sausage-shaped", and its boundaries cannot be accurately defined because we do not know the limits of the forms of the constellations. (This introduces a higher likelihood of major errors with the techniques used by the constellation detectives.) Secondly, Dicks is critical of Ovenden's contention that the constellations are oriented symmetrically with respect to the celestial poles circa 2800 BCE, that they were designed as a primitive form of celestial coordinates; and that their arrangement actually contains two systems, a zodiacal one (with the constellations arranged symmetrically with respect to the ecliptic pole) for identifying the seasons for agricultural purposes, and an equatorial one (with the non-zodiacal constellations arranged symmetrically with respect to the celestial pole) for the purposes of navigation. Thirdly, Dicks states that the entirely gratuitous assumption that the data recorded for the Eudoxan-Aratean sphere refers to a much earlier epoch apparently derives from the criticisms of Eudoxus and Aratus made by Hipparchus in his Commentary; and also the belief that neither Eudoxus or Aratus could have made mistakes. But Hipparchus also has many points of agreement with both. If the Eudoxan sphere had only been correct for a far earlier epoch then such agreements could hardly have been voiced. Dicks also points out that the Eudoxan data reproduced by Aratus comprise the earliest attempt to describe the celestial sphere and its chief circles (as they appeared in the 4th-century BCE).
Owen Gingerich recognizes the substantial evidence for the late origin of a 12-constellation zodiac and also for a gradually developed constellation system. In his recent paper "Night Gallery: The Function, Origin and Evolution of Constellations", Ed Krupp has presented an excellent review and critique of the subject. His paper also contains a critical evaluation of the (1) zodiac quartets, and (2) celestial stratigraphy, arguments offered by Alexander Gurshtein.
The constellation detectives act on the belief that by deductive use of the description of the constellations made by Aratus circa 270 BCE they can trace the constellation-makers to the place and time they lived. The position that the classical Greek constellations were designed at one definite and one place is difficult to uphold under scrutiny. The two major problems with the "void zone" argument is that you have to: (1) accept that the constellation figures originated largely as a single scheme, and (2) ignore all problems with our lack of understanding of the original boundaries of the constellation figures. The constellation detectives have not critically explored the implications of these two assumptions. Part of the "void zone" argument also rests on the assumption that the ancient constellation-makers attempted to design constellations right down to the horizon. This is conjecture. It is known, however, that the boundaries of the Greek constellation figures were not standardized until Ptolemy, circa 150 CE. (The argument for the constellations as a single scheme constellated to the boundary of the horizon places an upper limit on the earliest possible date at which the constellations could have originated. This earliest possible date was recognized by Maunder as circa 3000 BCE. Gurshtein attempts to push the imposed limits of the "void zone" argument by adducing other supposed internal evidence (i.e., symbolic air, earth, and water divisions in the zodiacal constellations) that takes the date back to at least circa 16000 BCE (the period of the last Ice Age).)
The basic arguments of the constellation detectives originated before or during the pioneering period of cuneiform astronomy. Characteristically Assyriologists and astronomers did not consider it unusual to conceive of Babylonian astronomy as reaching back to circa 5000 BCE. Maunder was a proponent for an early origin of a 12-constellation zodiac. He argued that the ecliptic was of supreme importance to the early constellation makers. According to Maunder the zodiac was planned 5000 years ago with the Bull of Taurus as its leader. He believed the constellation makers firstly mapped out the zodiacal constellations when designing their constellation set. Maunder also believed that some of the constellations may also have preserved early parts of the Genesis story in the Old Testament. The results of detailed studies of Mesopotamian astronomical records do not support the assertion that the classical constellations were designed at one definite time and one place. There is no evidence of an Aratean scheme of constellations existing circa 2000-2800 BCE anywhere in the world. To simply argue that the evidence is now lost or not yet recovered is to miss the point. The latitude involving a band 30 degrees to 40 degrees north does ideally match the region of Mesopotamia peopled by the Sumerians and Babylonians. The earliest appearance of the modern constellations is in Mesopotamia (Babylonia) and they form part of the earliest known constellations. The evidence shows that the Babylonians of the 2nd millennium BCE used a scheme of constellations that included many mentioned by Aratus and others that are not mentioned by him. This fact is important as the constellation detectives argue his scheme of constellations predated the Babylonians. However, it does not seem that the Mesopotamians had a well-developed system of constellations by 2000 BCE. Rather they were in the lengthy process of establishing such. The earliest records of astronomy in Mesopotamia (i.e., prior to the 18th-century BCE) consist of a few fragments of lists of star-names and constellations. If the completed constellation scheme known to Aratus was also known to the Babylonians then they had not adopted it - yet their earliest constellation scheme included constellations known to Aratus nearly 2000 years later.
Many of these Babylonian constellations appear in the Greek constellation-schemes nearly 2000 years later. (The few constellations of Homer mirror the constellations already existing in the Babylonian scheme.) The Aratean constellations show a similarity not only with the early Babylonian constellations of the 2nd millennium BCE but also with other, later Babylonian constellations listed in Mul.Apin. A definite Babylonian influence for the Greek scheme of constellations is indicated. However, in spite of some obvious similarities, the Greek scheme of constellations is essentially different to those of the Babylonians, with a major exception. The Babylonian scheme of twelve zodiacal constellations was borrowed almost without change by the Geeks.
If the constellations were originated as a set circa 2000-2800 BCE then they cannot have originated with the Greeks. However, the latitude at which the constellations were believed to have originated as a single scheme cannot refer to Mesopotamia because at that time their scheme of constellations was a mix of constellations mentioned by Aratus and other constellations outside his scheme. If the constellation detectives look to Mesopotamia then they necessarily imply that the Mesopotamians had rapidly borrowed, from somewhere else, a number of constellations and then completed the scheme with their own original constellations. It does not seem conceivable that the Mesopotamians borrowed certain constellations from a constellation scheme originated by the Minoans. Further, there is no evidence at all for Minoan constellations.
The application of the two tools used by the constellation detectives is subjective. The poem of Aratus is practically our only authority for the positions of the ancient Greek constellations. No actual stars or their positions forming the constellations are described by Aratus in his poem paraphrasing the Eudoxan constellations. His descriptions are only of the constellation figures. Even if we could accept that the constellations originated as a single scheme Aratus is too vague in his southern limits to be used as a tool to deduce the place and date for the formation of the constellations. As the Aratean data simply doesn't possess enough precision the questions of latitude and epoch remain unable to be feasibly determined. Because the "void zone" looks lopsided it suggests that the present position of the pole has moved from its original location. The subjectivity of the method is further enforced by the varying estimates of the radius of the "void zone" (30 degrees to 40 degrees) and the varying estimates of the date of origin given by precession (1400-2800 BCE). Additionally, the subjectivity of the argument is confounded by the fact that some constellation-detectives have set out a different type of argument using Aratus. For them the poem of Aratus is definitely held to contain clear internal proof that it is a description of the sky made some 700 to 1500 years earlier. The proof is held to be the references to the places of the equator and the tropical circles, and the rising and setting of stars. Unlike Newton, Ducoutant, Hale, and Brown, Maunder never tried to deduce a date from Aratus' description of the equator and tropical circles.
The constellation detectives are left with the difficult proposition of explaining why the constellation system, as described by Aratus, was not updated by its unknown originators since the time of its construction and passage to the Greeks. A period of at least 1500 years was ample to take account of the effects of precession (specifically the changing position of the north celestial pole). Also, to simply say that the difference between this early and foreign scheme of the sky and the stars visible in the Greek sky was not noticed by either Eudoxus, Aratus or any other Greek, before the criticisms of Hipparchus, strains credulity. Certain stars would now be permanently below the horizon from 36 degrees north whilst others not included in the proposed original scheme would have come into view. The constellation detectives tend to accept such as mysteries without attempting reasonable explanations. The explanations offered (Roy (1984), based on the destruction of the Minoan civilization and the later ineptitude of the Greeks as observers, are not convincing. None of the 19th-century constellation detectives saw the need to invoke such an explanation.
The Greeks knew of several Sphaera Barbarica (i.e., Egyptian and Babylonian constellation schemes) which had different constellations to those of the Greek sphere. If the Greek sphere of Aratus (circa 270 BCE) formed an early constellation set then the early Babylonian sphere contained in the circular star calendars (i.e., "astrolobes") circa 1200 BCE is not the earlier constellation set. Likewise the early Egyptian sphere contained on coffin lids and tomb ceilings circa 1500 BCE is also not the earlier constellation set. Even Maunder conceded that it cannot be determined whether the constellation set was transmitted to the Greek without alteration. This admission weakens the very need to propose an original early "Aratean" constellation set. Additionally, Swatrz pointed out that some of the zodiacal constellations are very intimately connected with constellations beyond the zodiac. With our present knowledge of the origin of the zodiac in Mesopotamia the above observation by Swartz becomes an argument against the early date of the Greek constellations s a set. (The Western constellations were consolidated during the classical Greek period. It is unlikely that the Greek sphere was filled with a complete set of constellations before the 5th-century BCE. It would appear that the Bear was one of the earliest groups of stars to be constellated in the Greek sky. Undoubtedly other constellations were formed rather gradually from other stars when the requirement existed to identify other given regions of the sky.) We do have good evidence for a complete constellating of the Greek sphere by the time of Eudoxus. It is most likely that Eudoxus of Cnidus was the first Greek to establish the northern constellations that we recognize today. The Enoptron (and Phaenomena) of Eudoxus (4th-century BCE) and its verse popularization by Aratus (3rd-century BCE) undoubtedly helped to fix the constellations of the Greek sphere.
The transmission of astronomical knowledge from Mesopotamia was of great significance for the development of astronomy in Greece. Knowledge of the Babylonian constellations was probably brought westward in the form of sky stories. The mythical ideas of the Babylonians regarding the constellation figures - and not the actual constellation figures - possibly most influenced the Greeks in their adoption of constellations. The major constellation influences for the Greeks are to be found in astronomical poetry and the establishment of parapegmata. A significant step in the process of Greek Constellation making was the adoption of the Babylonian zodiac by the Greek makers of parapegmata. Greek legends relating to the establishment of the zodiac in Greek astronomy are contradictory and make it impossible to decide which Greek first constellated the plane of the ecliptic. It is possible that the Babylonian scheme of twelve months and associated zodiacal constellations was known to the Geek world by the second half of the 6th-century BCE (due to its introduction by the Ionian philosopher Cleostratos of Tenedos). It is maintained by Eudemos of Rhodes (second half of 4th-century BCE), however, that the mathematician and astronomer Oinopides of Chios (circa 450 BCE) was the first to establish the zodiac. The establishment of the majority of the Greek constellations probably occurred in the 6th and 5th centuries (and perhaps 4th-century) BCE. The oldest systematic description of the Greek celestial sphere that we have knowledge of has been written by Eudoxus. Eudoxus devised a calendar using a zodiac of twelve equal divisions. The grouping of all the brightest stars into a Sphaera Graecanica by Eudoxus was undoubtedly the result of his combining traditional Greek constellation names and associated mythology with constellation figures adopted from Babylonia (the most obvious being the twelve constellations of the zodiac). It is now not possible to distinguish Eudoxus's own contributions from earlier Greek developments. It is also not possible to distinguish the exact contributions of Babylonian uranography.
The acceptance of largely Greek constellation figures by the Greeks represented a win over the Sphaera Barbarica, and both Eudoxus and Aratus helped to consolidate that victory. It would seem that Eudoxus circa 360 BCE extended and organized previously existing constellations (including the zodiacal constellations borrowed from Babylonia possibly during the second half of the 6th-century BC) and named stars into a scheme of constellations covering the entire visible sky. The Eudoxan scheme of constellations eventually became canonical - largely through the Phaenomena of Aratus. The constellations of the Farnese globe (2nd-century CE), the earliest surviving representation of the classical constellations, is evidently part of this tradition. Most of the 48 classical constellation figures are shown, but not the stars comprising each constellation.
Though their ideas are influential in popular histories of astronomy the constellation detectives have not found their ideas are convincing for professional historians of science. In her brief article "Constellations" in History of Astronomy: An Encyclopedia (1997) the historian Sarah Genuth states that most historians of science recognize that the Aratean constellations were the culmination of invention, development, transmission, and adaptation within and without Greek civilization. The constellations used by the Greeks may have simply been influenced not only by the Babylonians but by those constellations in general use in the Aegean region at that period.
Persons who use the "void zone" method are applying the precessional tool to the problem of the origin of the constellations. Unfortunately they tend to use this technique to the exclusion of all others. Historically, the more usual tools applied to this subject are the historical (involving extant texts dealing with the constellations); philological (involving the meaning of constellation names); archaeological (involving iconography); and mythological (involving constellation myths). The anthropological tool (involving the consideration of constellation-making analogies) has not yet been fully employed. Also, the historical tool has not yet fully employed celestial cartography (modern constellation making) as a method. Constellation identifications that assume the early existence of constellation system similar to our present scheme have yet to include suitable standards of proof to establish such. A more detailed examination of the work of Eudoxus in the establishment of a comprehensive Greek scheme of constellations - and understanding the relationship of this devised scheme with Babylonian astronomy is still required.
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