Topic 5.

Symbols, Language and Communication

1. It was noted very early (Topic (1) ld) that in philosophy we are always `juggling' with three very different, yet inter-related, things: objective reality, thought about that reality and communication of the thought about the reality. So far we have been concerned with the first two of these; with the consideration of symbols, we move into the realm of the third, communication.

a. It is important always to remember (and sometimes easy to forget) that a symbol is a sign. (Not all signs are symbols but all symbols are signs - just as not all people are men but all men are people).

It follows, then, that what is true of all signs must be true of symbols -

    i) they are not entities; they are functions. A symbol is a symbol by virtue of functioning as a symbol (for something to somebody)

    ii) the functioning is the creating of a belief (expectancy).

    b. People generally think of symbols (here consider shop signs, flags, written words and numbers) as being symbols in their own right. But this is simply because the symbol-token (the sign-token) has generally no other purpose or function than to be a symbol. A squawking black cockatoo is still just that (a black cockatoo) whether it signifies rain to anybody or not. In the same way, a flag is still a piece of coloured bunting whether it signifies anything to anyone or not but, plainly, its only `raison d'etre' is to signify; it is created for that purpose. Thus it seems to make sense to speak of a symbol-token which is not (functioning as) a symbol whereas, with `natural signs', it is hard to think of anything as a sign-token when it is not (functioning as) a sign. For this reason the concept of `token' becomes more important when we are dealing with symbols. The symbol-token (the artefact, sound, mark, gesture or whatever) just is whatever it is - but it is a symbol only insofar as it signifies to somebody what it was intended to signify.

    c. The requirement that the `receiver' of the sign thereby expects something presents, initially, some difficulty. Whereas when Jones sees black clouds he expects a storm (assuming that black clouds are for Jones a sign of storms), when he hears the words `black clouds'( or sees them written) he does not necessarily expect anything. We want to say that he understands `black clouds' but that understanding is not the same thing as expecting.

    Here we must make one of three moves:

    i) Abandon the assertion that symbols are signs

    ii) Abandon the stipulation that a sign is a sign by creating an expectancy or

    iii) resolve the problem.

Since i or ii would seem counter to common sense and create great difficulties in giving any coherent account of signification, it is fortunate that iii is possible. Firstly (as will be examined in detail later) `black clouds' is not a symbol (within standard English language); it is merely a term, a pointer or reference. The symbol is the sentence `There are black clouds in the sky above' and, when we hear this uttered, we do expect that when we look up we will see black clouds. It may be objected here that we could understand the utterance but not believe it (i.e. not expect to see clouds when we look up). OK - but, even in this case, we would believe that the utterer believes that there are black clouds in the sky (expect him to behave appropriately) or, at the very least, believe that either he believes this or he is attempting to deceive us- or is merely providing an example!

Secondly, it is by no means clear that understanding is a quite different thing from expecting - that any intelligible account can be given of understanding which does not involve expecting. As has been shown, believing involves expecting - and, plainly, understanding involves believing. How could we assert that Jones understands X without implying that Jones knows certain things about X.-ness? And to know is to believe and be right.

Let us allow, then, that although it is more natural to speak of people understanding symbols than to speak of their reacting expectantly to them, this does not pose any real threat to the analysis we have accepted to date.

d. So - whereas `natural signs' are

    i) just `picked up' as a result of conditioning by experience (our response to signs is our conditioning)

    ii) therefore essentially personal - this token just happens to signify this situation to me-

    deliberately made signs (symbols)

    i) have to be learned as signs - their significance arises, not (as with natural signs) from our conditioning into the acceptance of a `natural order', but from our adherence to a given set of conventions (rules). Knowing the rules is, therefore, prerequisite to understanding the symbol-tokens.

    It should be noted, however, that to ,say that the `rules' must be learned is not to imply that they must be taught - merely that they are learned as rules. Here compare being taught a foreign language with `picking-up' one's own native language. Although rules are involved the `learning process' is not significantly different from that involved in all `sign-reading' abilities. Basic language learning is always by ostensification - i.e. by auto-responsive association between certain sounds and certain states of affairs.

    ii) Symbols, in a very important sense, are essentially public. Since the token can function as a symbol (convey the intended message) only if the sender and the receiver are operating by the same set of rules, the notion of a private or personal symbol is clearly , very odd to say the least. [We shall look at the special case of people making `aide memoirs' to themselves at a later point]

    e Here it is interesting to note that, whereas it is possible to `read signs' (even the `lower' animals in fact do `read signs') without having any concept of signification (of one thing representing or signalling another), it is not possible to use symbols without having that concept. To attempt to communicate is to have a concept of signification.

    It is possible, however, to receive symbols with no such concept. I can (and do) deliberately indicate to my dog that it is time for our walk (he leaves no doubt that he has understood) by reaching for his lead. But for him this is (probably) just a `natural sign' - my reaching for his lead precedes, in his experience, a walk round the park in just the same way as lightning precedes thunder.

    There is a sense in which symbols are always received in exactly the same way as `natural signs'; their being symbols is dependent upon the deliberate intention (to communicate something to somebody) of the `sender'. As pointed out earlier, however, the same tokens are often (indeed normally) both symbols and natural signs to the same person. And, most often, one of the things that they are natural signs of is that somebody wishes you to know something - i.e. is trying to communicate with you. This needs careful thought - if Jones says to me `It's getting late, you'd better hurry' this utterance is, for me, a symbol that its getting late (that is what Jones is telling me); it is also a sign that Jones wishes to inform me of this (but that is not what he is telling me). The chances are that it is a sign to me of various other things as well - that Jones is becoming impatient and possibly (from his accent) that Jones is a Welshman - but these are not what he is telling me either.

    So, even when an utterance fails as a symbol (i.e. communication is attempted but not successful) the token involved will still function as a natural sign (of something). If someone attempts to tell me in Chinese that he is looking for his wife, he will fail because I do not know that `set of rules' - but his performance will be a natural sign to me - that he is a foreigner, that he is anxious, that he needs help - etc.

    f. A symbol can function (as such), therefore, only if the `receiver' knows and recognises the set of rules being used by the `sender'. And the same token can function quite differently in different sets of rules. Ships traditionally communicated with each other by flying `international code' flags - groups of different coloured flags which signify various states of affairs according to the general international code set of rules. In wartime, however, although the same individual flags were used, a different (and allegedly confidential) set of rules (the wartime signals code) was used. So anybody trying to `read' these flags by the ordinary international code rules would get quite the wrong message (or just very confused) - they would not function as symbols (and, therefore not be symbols) because the appropriate rules were not known - or not recognised. Some scholars, visiting foreign countries, have been greatly upset when their student audiences stamped and whistled at the end of their lectures - until they learned that, in this place (i.e. within the rules these students were following) that behaviour was a symbol-token for `jolly good - thanks very much'.

    g. Consider some `fairly obvious' symbols - and why and when they are symbols:

      i) badges, flags, uniforms, logos - these are displayed to
      let people in general know the nationality, club,
      occupation, firm or whatever to which the displayer
      belongs

      ii) road signs, `arrows', danger warnings - `telling' people how to behave in their own interests

      iii) international code, race-course tick-tack, smoke-signals - special rules for passing information to special people

      iv) salutes, threatening or vulgar gestures, `body-language' - these seem very like `natural signs' but they are not; even pointing with the finger has to be learned (try pointing to something for a dog or an infant; it will examine your finger)

      v) `secret' signs, like Masonic handshakes - ways of identifying people who do know that particular set of rules -

      vi) bird calls, dog behaviour - it isn't easy for people to work these out, but the birds or dogs (to which they are directed) obviously `know the rules'.

    What is important to us is what it is that is common to all of these (however different they may be in relevant ways) - and plainly the common factors are:

      i) Somebody (or some creature) is deliberately creating a `sign' according to a particular set of conventions in the hope of modifying the behaviour of somebody else (specified or unspecified - the people who erect road signs don't know who is going to see them) in ways which they regard as desirable. Note that we don't tell people things just for the joy of telling them; we want them to do something - even if it's only to recognise what clever people we are.

      ii) The thing works (the symbol-token does function as a symbol) only if the observers of it recognise which rules (which system of symbols) it is a symbol within - and are sufficiently familiar with those rules. Otherwise they will probably think (in a natural-sign way) that the smoke is simply somebody cooking his dinner, that the flags are just to make the ship look pretty (as, on some occasions, they are), that the man who is winking has something in his eye, that the birds are just twittering for joy.

    h. Here it is interesting to look at the rationale for an expression we hear a lot these days - status-symbol. This is something which, by a loosely defined yet seemingly widely understood set of rules, indicates to people (who know those rules) that the displayer of the symbol-token is a pretty posh or important person. But there still has to be intention. If Jones buys a Rolls Royce simply because it is reliable car, or completes a PhD simply because he is a natural scholar, without any thought of impressing anybody, then there is no symbol involved - any more than when a budgerigar shouts `Help' because it has heard it and copied it. (If this is not immediately apparent to you, then you had better start again at the beginning!) We also hear people speak of `symbolic gestures' - like martyrdoms. Here the rules would be very hard to set down, but they must be there, and must be recognised, or it wouldn't be martyrdom; it would just be an unnecessary death.

    Another potentially instructive example is what might be called a cunning symbol; the recipient gets the message but doesn't realise he's been given it. I remember a coffee shop that, quite deliberately, used fans to waft the aroma of coffee up and down the street ( `natural signs' can be `incorporated into' symbols so long as the intention is there, and is successful). Window-dressing comes into this category; the goods in the window show people what the shop sells, but the way they are displayed shows them (by a very elaborate set of learned rules) whether It is a `cheapie' shop or an ` exclusive' one. The shoppers would probably think of this as a natural-sign (if they thought about such things at all) but the person who dressed the window knows otherwise.

2. We have been looking at all kinds of symbols as a prophylactic against a foolishly common view that only `natural languages', the English or German or Japanese or whatever that people just grow up with, are real languages and everything else must, somehow, be translated back into these. What we call `natural languages' are merely the most sophisticated and complex systems of symbols. They are, however, by far the most important for our human purposes and need special consideration.

a) First consider the written and spoken `versions' of, say, standard English language. What we have here is two fundamentally different kinds of tokens - one a set of sounds which are heard, the other a set of marks which are seen, but which have a kind of equivalence since they both operate (i.e. function as symbols) according to the same set of rules. It could, therefore, be wrong to suggest that written English is a different language from spoken English; it is merely the use of `alternative symbol-tokens' within the one language.

It should be noted, however, that with both - especially the spoken:

    i) there are marginally different `sets of rules' used in different localities - for instance, people not familiar with the vernacular often find it hard to understand what they are told in Newcastle-on-Tyne.

    Here note the three different kinds of difference

One

No A is B;
No B is A
Two

Some A is B;
All B is A
Three

Some A is B;
Some B is A;
Some A is not B;
Some B is not A

If we say Newcastle people use different rules from London people, it is the third kind of difference - most of the rules are in common but each group has some which the other group does not have. If we say children have different rules from adults, it is generally the second kind of difference; the children's rules are all adult rules but they do not have all the adult rules.

If we say that Japanese people use different rules from Russian people, it is the first kind of difference - there is no overlap between them.

Return to Top of Page

  • 1: Possibility, Probability, Actuality and Necessity

  • 2: The Nature of Believing

  • 3) The Nature of Knowing

  • 4: Inference and Significance

  • 6: Fact, Propositions, Statements and Sentences

  • 7: Identity and Similarity

  • 8: Personal Identity - The Notion of `Centres of Experience'

  • 9: Sensing

  • 10: Perception and prediction

  • 11: The perception (and nature) of space and `objects'

  • 12: Time and memory

  • 13: Causality

  • 14: Choice - the notion of freedom

  • 15: Value judgements, the good and the bad

  • 16: Morality

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